Uyghurs Could Get Asylum
Author: Jew Mark | Posted at: 19:33 | Filed Under: Government, Politic |
Cambodian authorities say they won't repatriate a group of asylum-seekers if they could be mistreated.
AFP
A Uyghur man walks past armed Chinese security forces in Urumqi, July 17, 2009.
PHNOM PENH—Cambodia may not repatriate a group of asylum-seekers if they are to face capital punishment or torture back in China, a Cambodian spokesman said.
Khieu Kanharith, government spokesman and minister of information, said in an interview that the fate of the 22 ethnic Uyghurs hinges on whether and how the Chinese government intends to punish them in connction with deadly ethnic riots in July.
“There are several issues [to consider],” Khieu Kanharith said.
“For a criminal issue we would send them back. But for a political issue we would consider differently,” he said. “For a criminal issue, if it is serious to the point that they would have to be executed, we might not send them back because we don’t have capital punishment [in Cambodia],” he said.
The minister said that no decision had been made because the Cambodian government has yet to be contacted by the Chinese Embassy.
Smuggled into Cambodia
Twenty-two Uyghurs—a predominantly Muslim minority concentrated in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR)—have sought protection from the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in the Cambodian capital, Phnom Penh, according to Uyghur sources in Asia, who asked not be to named.
The Uyghurs are currently in the care of international Catholic organization the Jesuit Refugee Service, which declined to comment on the status of the group.
They fear being returned to China, which has close ties with Cambodia, Uyghur sources said.
This group, which includes two young children, was smuggled across the border from Vietnam into Cambodia, they said.
Only four members of the asylum-seekers agreed to be named.
They are Mutellip Mamut, who was born on July 10, 1980, Islam Urayim, born July 16, 1980, Hazirti ali Umar, born June 7, 1990, and Aikebaierjiang Tuniyazi, born Feb. 13, 1982.
Seeking asylum
The UNHCR has no offices in Vietnam, so anyone seeking asylum as a refugee must find a way into Cambodia, where it does operate.
UNHCR and Cambodian officials in Phnom Penh declined to comment on the case, although it has been learned that the UNHCR has met with the Uyghurs several times in small groups.
Repeated calls to the U.S. Embassy during working hours went unanswered.
According to a statement by the Munich-based World Uyghur Congress, exiled Uyghur leader Rebiya Kadeer and the organization’s general secretary Dolkun Isa are to meet officials at UNHCR headquarters in Geneva to discuss the Uyghur case in Cambodia.
Beijing accuses Kadeer of fomenting the July 5 violence in the XUAR capital, Urumqi, which was sparked after a peaceful protest about the deaths of Uyghur migrants in a factory in southern China turned into clashes with police.
Kadeer has accused the authorities of firing on unarmed protesters in Urumqi, sparking days of retaliatory rioting, burning, and mob violence from both Uyghur and Han Chinese ethnic groups in the city.
Uyghur detentions
Clashes first erupted between Han Chinese and ethnic Uyghurs on July 5, and at least 200 people were killed, by the government’s tally.
According to Uyghur sources in Asia, China has tightened its southeastern border after several groups of Uyghurs managed to bribe their way into Vietnam and then Cambodia to avoid possible detention for allegedly taking part in July 5 ethnic riots.
The sources said Chinese authorities have detained 31 Uyghurs since Sept. 15 in the southern cities of Shenzhen and Guangzhou and in the central city of Kunming, either for trying to flee the country or for allegedly aiding others in fleeing China.
A Chinese court sentenced three Uyghurs to death Friday for their alleged involvement during the rioting, bringing the number of death sentences in connection with the incident to 17.
New York-based Human Rights Watch said it has documented the disappearances of 43 men and boys in the Xinjiang region, but that the actual number of disappearances is likely far higher.
Police have meanwhile detained more than 700 people in connection with the unrest, according to earlier state news reports.
Uyghurs, a distinct and mostly Muslim ethnic group, have long complained of religious, political, and cultural oppression by Chinese authorities, and tensions have simmered in the Xinjiang region for years.
Original reporting by Chea Sotheacheat, Vuthy Huot and Chung Ravuth for RFA’s Khmer service. Khmer service director: Sos Kem. Translated by Sos Kem. Additional reporting by RFA's Uyghur service. Uyghur service director: Dolkun Kamberi. Written for the Web in English by Joshua Lipes. Edited by Sarah Jackson-Han.
by http://www.rfa.org/english/news/cambodia/faceexecution-12042009171220.html
Friday, December 4, 2009
Mississauga youth host families in transition
Mississauga youth host families in transition
Friday, 04 December 2009
Written by Natasha Milavec, Youth Speak News,
Views : 23
Alimu and Aliya Abulimiti, a Uyghur couple currently residing in the transitional housing program at Sojourn House, pose during the performance of their wedding dance, which is a part of Uyghur culture. (Photo by Natashya Caleon)
MISSISSAUGA, Ont. - When asked about the conflicts she faced in her home country of Nigeria, J.P., who did not wish to disclose her full name, was shaken up in discussing an unjust past she has worked hard to put behind her. Hers is a story of courage and determination shared by 135 refugees who attended the seventh annual Family Faith Night dinner and talent show at St. Marcellinus Catholic Secondary School Nov. 26.
J.P. came to Canada in 2001, a process that was far from easy. Along with her two sons, Kenny, seven, and Alex, 12, J.P. found support and comfort in Sojourn House, a “short-term shelter for refugees who have no option to stay somewhere decent, and a transitional house that provides a longer-time stay for refugees who have experienced trauma,” said Everton Gordon, the shelter manager.
J.P. is very grateful for the shelter.
“I feel safe,” she said. “They helped me a lot. I am so happy there. I have two boys; they are happy in Sojourn House.”
Nashwa Tawfiq, a Sojourn House staff member, said there are “a whole wide variety of people at Sojourn House who come for a wide range of reasons; political, religious, domestic violence or sexual orientation,” to name a few. “Everybody is grateful and appreciative of the time, effort, and generosity that go into planning this event and putting it together,” Tawfiq said. “It is a good way to celebrate the season and has become a tradition.”
The talent show included a blend of student and guest performances. A crowd favourite was Alimu and Aliya Abulimiti, a Uyghur couple who performed their wedding dance and a cultural belly dance. The couple is from an area in East Turkestan, but are currently residents of the transitional housing program at Sojourn House.
After the show, a dinner of chicken, rice, vegetables and salad was served, prepared by the school’s hospitality class and teacher Michael Begin.
Student volunteers at the event are members of the chaplaincy team at St. Marcellinus and were seated among the refugees, listening to their stories. Grade 10 student Huda Hajjaj, who moved recently from Kuwait but is originally from Palestine, said she volunteered to “get to know people from different places.” Monika Sidhu, also a Grade 10 student, volunteered at the event in order to “help out your community,” she said.
S.C., who also does not wish to disclose his full name, sat beside Hajjaj and shared his story. He has been in Canada for one-and- a-half years and left Pakistan because of “religious problems,” he said. His journey to Canada was difficult. “Adjustment is hard,” said S.C., who misses Pakistan.
“The night gives refugees a glimpse of beautiful people and Christ-like love in their lives that they have not experienced in a long time. Catholic schools can teach the Gospel in their classrooms but events like these show how the Gospel should be taught, by action,” said Shane Byrne, chaplain at St. Marcellinus.
Family Faith Night was an immersion of people once separated by borders, geographical, political and spiritual. The Christ-like love shared between guests and students was a testament to family and faith.
(Milavec, 16, is a Grade 11 student at Father John Redmond Catholic Secondary School.)
http://www.catholicregister.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=3664&Itemid=857
Tories declare diplomatic victory despite China's rebuke
Tories declare diplomatic victory despite China's rebuke
Government says tourism deal will pave the way for a big increase in Chinese visitors to Canada. Though Harper didn't garner a major breakthrough, his visit raises hope that the relationship can be mended
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Campbell Clark
Ottawa — From Friday's Globe and Mail
Published on Thursday, Dec. 03, 2009 9:31PM EST
Last updated on Friday, Dec. 04, 2009 8:31AM EST
The federal Tories insisted Thursday that Prime Minister Stephen Harper scored a diplomatic victory in his first visit to China, despite an embarrassing exchange in which China's Premier rebuked him for neglecting relations between the two countries.
Mr. Harper walked away from the meeting with several small agreements and one sought-after prize: Canada's long-standing request to be granted approved destination status, a designation that will pave the way for a projected 50-per-cent increase in Chinese tourism here by 2015. But before China granted this status, its Premier, Wen Jiabao, admonished Mr. Harper for taking so long to visit, noting that a Canadian leader hadn't made a trip to China in five years.
“Five years is too long a time for China-Canada relations and that's why there are comments in the media that your visit is one that should have taken place earlier,” Mr. Wen said.
In Mr. Harper's first few years in power, the Chinese were annoyed by his complaints about the secret trial of Uyghur-Canadian dissident Huseyin Celil; his assertion that he would not sell out human rights to the “almighty dollar”; and especially the reception of the Dalai Lama.
Diplomats in the Foreign Affairs Department who pushed for a friendlier tone were mistrusted, but Mr. Harper also faced internal pressure to make a visit from former trade minister David Emerson, former public works and trade minister Michael Fortier, and his former top civil servant, clerk of the Privy Council Kevin Lynch.
“I've been pushing for it endlessly and with great frustration, but now it's there,” Mr. Emerson said Thursday. “He has been afforded the opportunity to start to engage, and I think a symbolic and substantive signal is that we're getting approved destination status. I think that's a huge signal that the relationship is going to be re-energized.”
Over the past year, Mr. Harper has dramatically changed approach: He avoided criticism of China, his Foreign Minister said Beijing had progressed on human rights, and a long list of ministers visited to thaw ties.
Listen to Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao's statement
Download (.mp3)
The approved destination status allows Canada to market tourism in China, and for Canadian tour operators to do business there, opening the door for the projected increase in Chinese tourism here. It is not the billion-dollar deals the Chinese have signed with other leaders, but still resolves what Gordon Houlden, director of the University of Alberta's China Institute, said was a persistently knotty problem when he served as a diplomat in Beijing from 2001 to 2004.
Mr. Martin's Liberal government struck an agreement in principle to get the status, but didn't complete the details before losing power.
“I think Canada is the last nation in the whole globe to get this. There's no other country left,” remarked Tommy Yuan, president of the Canada-Asia Business Network.
While opposition politicians contended that the awkward rebuke to Mr. Harper showed that relations remain frosty because of him, Conservatives dismissed the public friction as meaningless when weighed against the tourism agreement.
“The reality is that our government has managed to achieve what previous Liberal governments couldn't and I don't know how many visits there were between prime ministers Chrétien and Martin,” said Conservative Immigration Minister Jason Kenney.
John Ibbitson on the Chinese Premier's rebukeThe Globe's Ottawa Bureau Chief on the public scolding of Canada's Prime Minister
Download (.mp3)
Veteran China watchers, however, landed somewhere in the middle. They said Mr. Harper has not made a massive breakthrough, but also played down fears that the Sino-Canadian relationship is irreparably damaged.
The net message, said Peter Harder, president of the Canada China Business Council and former deputy minister of foreign affairs, is straightforward: “You have to work at this relationship.”
In Vancouver, political commentator Gabriel Yiu pointed out that there is a contingent of Canada's Chinese-language media on the trip, and said the Chinese rebuke to Mr. Harper is unlikely to hurt the Conservatives' effort to make electoral inroads into the traditionally Liberal Chinese-Canadian community.
“Every day, he's getting two to three pages of coverage in those papers. Yes, there might be a slight negative impact [from Mr. Wen's criticism], but compared to the big wave of coverage in the Chinese-language media, I think the spin will be praise for this historic trip.”
With reports from Jane Taber in Ottawa and Rod Mickleburgh in Vancouver
http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/tories-declare-diplomatic-victory-despite-chinas-rebuke/article1388003/
Government says tourism deal will pave the way for a big increase in Chinese visitors to Canada. Though Harper didn't garner a major breakthrough, his visit raises hope that the relationship can be mended
Share with friends
Campbell Clark
Ottawa — From Friday's Globe and Mail
Published on Thursday, Dec. 03, 2009 9:31PM EST
Last updated on Friday, Dec. 04, 2009 8:31AM EST
The federal Tories insisted Thursday that Prime Minister Stephen Harper scored a diplomatic victory in his first visit to China, despite an embarrassing exchange in which China's Premier rebuked him for neglecting relations between the two countries.
Mr. Harper walked away from the meeting with several small agreements and one sought-after prize: Canada's long-standing request to be granted approved destination status, a designation that will pave the way for a projected 50-per-cent increase in Chinese tourism here by 2015. But before China granted this status, its Premier, Wen Jiabao, admonished Mr. Harper for taking so long to visit, noting that a Canadian leader hadn't made a trip to China in five years.
“Five years is too long a time for China-Canada relations and that's why there are comments in the media that your visit is one that should have taken place earlier,” Mr. Wen said.
In Mr. Harper's first few years in power, the Chinese were annoyed by his complaints about the secret trial of Uyghur-Canadian dissident Huseyin Celil; his assertion that he would not sell out human rights to the “almighty dollar”; and especially the reception of the Dalai Lama.
Diplomats in the Foreign Affairs Department who pushed for a friendlier tone were mistrusted, but Mr. Harper also faced internal pressure to make a visit from former trade minister David Emerson, former public works and trade minister Michael Fortier, and his former top civil servant, clerk of the Privy Council Kevin Lynch.
“I've been pushing for it endlessly and with great frustration, but now it's there,” Mr. Emerson said Thursday. “He has been afforded the opportunity to start to engage, and I think a symbolic and substantive signal is that we're getting approved destination status. I think that's a huge signal that the relationship is going to be re-energized.”
Over the past year, Mr. Harper has dramatically changed approach: He avoided criticism of China, his Foreign Minister said Beijing had progressed on human rights, and a long list of ministers visited to thaw ties.
Listen to Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao's statement
Download (.mp3)
The approved destination status allows Canada to market tourism in China, and for Canadian tour operators to do business there, opening the door for the projected increase in Chinese tourism here. It is not the billion-dollar deals the Chinese have signed with other leaders, but still resolves what Gordon Houlden, director of the University of Alberta's China Institute, said was a persistently knotty problem when he served as a diplomat in Beijing from 2001 to 2004.
Mr. Martin's Liberal government struck an agreement in principle to get the status, but didn't complete the details before losing power.
“I think Canada is the last nation in the whole globe to get this. There's no other country left,” remarked Tommy Yuan, president of the Canada-Asia Business Network.
While opposition politicians contended that the awkward rebuke to Mr. Harper showed that relations remain frosty because of him, Conservatives dismissed the public friction as meaningless when weighed against the tourism agreement.
“The reality is that our government has managed to achieve what previous Liberal governments couldn't and I don't know how many visits there were between prime ministers Chrétien and Martin,” said Conservative Immigration Minister Jason Kenney.
John Ibbitson on the Chinese Premier's rebukeThe Globe's Ottawa Bureau Chief on the public scolding of Canada's Prime Minister
Download (.mp3)
Veteran China watchers, however, landed somewhere in the middle. They said Mr. Harper has not made a massive breakthrough, but also played down fears that the Sino-Canadian relationship is irreparably damaged.
The net message, said Peter Harder, president of the Canada China Business Council and former deputy minister of foreign affairs, is straightforward: “You have to work at this relationship.”
In Vancouver, political commentator Gabriel Yiu pointed out that there is a contingent of Canada's Chinese-language media on the trip, and said the Chinese rebuke to Mr. Harper is unlikely to hurt the Conservatives' effort to make electoral inroads into the traditionally Liberal Chinese-Canadian community.
“Every day, he's getting two to three pages of coverage in those papers. Yes, there might be a slight negative impact [from Mr. Wen's criticism], but compared to the big wave of coverage in the Chinese-language media, I think the spin will be praise for this historic trip.”
With reports from Jane Taber in Ottawa and Rod Mickleburgh in Vancouver
http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/tories-declare-diplomatic-victory-despite-chinas-rebuke/article1388003/
PM doesn't shy away from human rights in China
PM doesn't shy away from human rights in China
CTV News Video
CTV News: Robert Fife in Shanghai
Prime Minister Stephen Harper's speech to Chinese business leaders in Shanghai focused mainly on promoting investment in Canada's energy industries. The speech also touched on China's human rights issues.
Power Play: Warren Kinsella and Tim Powers
A Liberal strategist says Harper's trip to China is not going very well because Canada has had China in the 'deep freeze' over the last four years, while a Conservative strategist says Harper has not shied away from human rights talks.
Canada AM: Elliot Tepper, Carleton University
A politics professor explains why with diplomatic scolding behind them, China's leaders are sending signals it now considers perceived slights by Canada a thing of the past with the hope the two countries can re-establish mutual trust.
Power Play: PM scolded by Chinese officials
Former Conservative foreign affairs minister David Emerson and former Canadian ambassador to the EU Jeremy Kinsman discuss the importance of Canadian-Chinese relations.
Power Play: MPs discuss Harper's visit
NDP MP Paul Dewar, Conservative MP Diane Ablonczy and Liberal MP Scott Brison talk about whether or not Prime Minister Stephen Harper's trip to China has been a success so far.
CTV News Channel: Paul Evans, University of B.C.
The director of UBC's Institute of Asian Research explains why the chiding of Prime Minister Stephen Harper by Chinese officials was to be expected.
CTV News Channel: Pierre Pettigrew
A former foreign affairs minister reacts to Harper being publically shamed for waiting too long to make his high-profile trip to China.
Watch: See all Videos in the Player
Prime Minister Stephen Harper makes a speech at the Canada-China Business Council and the Canadian Chamber of Commerce in Shanghai, China on Friday, December 4, 2009. (Sean Kilpatrick / THE CANADIAN PRESS)
View Larger Image
More on this topic
In Pictures: Harper in China
CTV.ca News Staff
Date: Fri. Dec. 4 2009 7:11 PM ET
Prime Minister Stephen Harper received silence from Chinese business leaders when he told them Canada would continue to bring up human rights issues and not stay quiet in exchange for stronger economic ties between the two countries.
"In relations between China and Canada, we will continue to raise issues of freedom and human rights," he in a speech in Shanghai Friday.
"Our government believes and has always believed that a mutually-beneficial economic relationship is not incompatible with a good and frank dialogue on fundamental values like freedom, human rights and the rule of law," Harper said.
This part of the speech, part of Harper's first-ever visit to China, was greeted with silence from the businessmen, who had applauded his earlier focus on trade progress and an announcement Canada would open up four new trade consulates.
Former Conservative MP John Reynolds, now a businessman who spends three months a year in China, told The Canadian Press that the Chinese would not be put off by the comments.
"They understand Canada is a friend, they understand we have resources they need and that we can do business both ways," he said.
"Every country says that (about human rights). Fact is, trade has not suffered and this visit will be like a rocket shot to everybody."
NDP leader Jack Layton said Harper should not lecture China on its human rights record, considering the questions raised over whether Canada transferred prisoners to Afghan authorities where they were tortured.
"I think you always have to be careful when you live in a glass house when it comes to throwing stones," Layton told reporters in Winnipeg Friday.
Liberal Leader Michael Ignatieff said Harper should have visited China earlier, saying the prime minister has a lot of "repair work" to do on Canada's relationship with China.
"We've all had a wake up call in Canada about how important China is and Mr. Harper has taken a very long time to wake up," Ignatieff said.
In the rest of his speech, Harper said Canada and China both have much to gain from a stronger economic partnership, especially in the energy business.
He told the business leaders that Canada is rich in oil, natural gas and uranium that China can use to fuel its own economic growth.
He also said Canadian businesses can help China shift toward green energy.
He told the leaders that investing in Canada is good business, because of falling taxes and low government debt.
Earlier in the day, Harper met with Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao on Thursday and trumpeted several diplomatic victories, despite a couple of awkward moments.
Harper, who is travelling with his with Laureen, was scolded by Wen for the fact that five years have passed since a Canadian prime minister has visited China.
Wen later gave Chinese media and a TV station interviews where he blamed the Harper government for the damaged relations.
"We are reluctant to see Canada alienate us in recent years," Wen was quoted as saying by the official China Daily. "That has hampered our trade and personal exchanges."
"I hope the visit can solve the problem of mutual trust."
In return, Harper noted that no Chinese leader had visited Canada over the same period of time.
Despite Wen's upbraiding, Harper managed to achieve Canada's longstanding desire for approved destination status from Beijing -- a shift that is expected to substantially boost Chinese tourism to Canada. He also achieved several other small victories, such as the lifting of the Chinese ban on Canadian pork products.
Canada-China relations have been tense in recent years. Beijing has also been frustrated by Ottawa's complaints about the treatment of Uygher-Canadian dissident Huseyin Celil.
Official newspapers say Harper slighted the Chinese government by refusing to attend the 2008 Beijing Olympics, in addition to embracing the Dalai Lama's criticism of the treatment of people in Tibet.
The China Daily did acknowledge that Harper was making headway in trying to "warm up cool to icy ties."
CTV News Video
CTV News: Robert Fife in Shanghai
Prime Minister Stephen Harper's speech to Chinese business leaders in Shanghai focused mainly on promoting investment in Canada's energy industries. The speech also touched on China's human rights issues.
Power Play: Warren Kinsella and Tim Powers
A Liberal strategist says Harper's trip to China is not going very well because Canada has had China in the 'deep freeze' over the last four years, while a Conservative strategist says Harper has not shied away from human rights talks.
Canada AM: Elliot Tepper, Carleton University
A politics professor explains why with diplomatic scolding behind them, China's leaders are sending signals it now considers perceived slights by Canada a thing of the past with the hope the two countries can re-establish mutual trust.
Power Play: PM scolded by Chinese officials
Former Conservative foreign affairs minister David Emerson and former Canadian ambassador to the EU Jeremy Kinsman discuss the importance of Canadian-Chinese relations.
Power Play: MPs discuss Harper's visit
NDP MP Paul Dewar, Conservative MP Diane Ablonczy and Liberal MP Scott Brison talk about whether or not Prime Minister Stephen Harper's trip to China has been a success so far.
CTV News Channel: Paul Evans, University of B.C.
The director of UBC's Institute of Asian Research explains why the chiding of Prime Minister Stephen Harper by Chinese officials was to be expected.
CTV News Channel: Pierre Pettigrew
A former foreign affairs minister reacts to Harper being publically shamed for waiting too long to make his high-profile trip to China.
Watch: See all Videos in the Player
Prime Minister Stephen Harper makes a speech at the Canada-China Business Council and the Canadian Chamber of Commerce in Shanghai, China on Friday, December 4, 2009. (Sean Kilpatrick / THE CANADIAN PRESS)
View Larger Image
In Pictures: Harper in China
CTV.ca News Staff
Date: Fri. Dec. 4 2009 7:11 PM ET
Prime Minister Stephen Harper received silence from Chinese business leaders when he told them Canada would continue to bring up human rights issues and not stay quiet in exchange for stronger economic ties between the two countries.
"In relations between China and Canada, we will continue to raise issues of freedom and human rights," he in a speech in Shanghai Friday.
"Our government believes and has always believed that a mutually-beneficial economic relationship is not incompatible with a good and frank dialogue on fundamental values like freedom, human rights and the rule of law," Harper said.
This part of the speech, part of Harper's first-ever visit to China, was greeted with silence from the businessmen, who had applauded his earlier focus on trade progress and an announcement Canada would open up four new trade consulates.
Former Conservative MP John Reynolds, now a businessman who spends three months a year in China, told The Canadian Press that the Chinese would not be put off by the comments.
"They understand Canada is a friend, they understand we have resources they need and that we can do business both ways," he said.
"Every country says that (about human rights). Fact is, trade has not suffered and this visit will be like a rocket shot to everybody."
NDP leader Jack Layton said Harper should not lecture China on its human rights record, considering the questions raised over whether Canada transferred prisoners to Afghan authorities where they were tortured.
"I think you always have to be careful when you live in a glass house when it comes to throwing stones," Layton told reporters in Winnipeg Friday.
Liberal Leader Michael Ignatieff said Harper should have visited China earlier, saying the prime minister has a lot of "repair work" to do on Canada's relationship with China.
"We've all had a wake up call in Canada about how important China is and Mr. Harper has taken a very long time to wake up," Ignatieff said.
In the rest of his speech, Harper said Canada and China both have much to gain from a stronger economic partnership, especially in the energy business.
He told the business leaders that Canada is rich in oil, natural gas and uranium that China can use to fuel its own economic growth.
He also said Canadian businesses can help China shift toward green energy.
He told the leaders that investing in Canada is good business, because of falling taxes and low government debt.
Earlier in the day, Harper met with Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao on Thursday and trumpeted several diplomatic victories, despite a couple of awkward moments.
Harper, who is travelling with his with Laureen, was scolded by Wen for the fact that five years have passed since a Canadian prime minister has visited China.
Wen later gave Chinese media and a TV station interviews where he blamed the Harper government for the damaged relations.
"We are reluctant to see Canada alienate us in recent years," Wen was quoted as saying by the official China Daily. "That has hampered our trade and personal exchanges."
"I hope the visit can solve the problem of mutual trust."
In return, Harper noted that no Chinese leader had visited Canada over the same period of time.
Despite Wen's upbraiding, Harper managed to achieve Canada's longstanding desire for approved destination status from Beijing -- a shift that is expected to substantially boost Chinese tourism to Canada. He also achieved several other small victories, such as the lifting of the Chinese ban on Canadian pork products.
Canada-China relations have been tense in recent years. Beijing has also been frustrated by Ottawa's complaints about the treatment of Uygher-Canadian dissident Huseyin Celil.
Official newspapers say Harper slighted the Chinese government by refusing to attend the 2008 Beijing Olympics, in addition to embracing the Dalai Lama's criticism of the treatment of people in Tibet.
The China Daily did acknowledge that Harper was making headway in trying to "warm up cool to icy ties."
China's show of pique
China's show of pique
Published On Fri Dec 04 2009
If Prime Minister Stephen Harper was taken aback by China's jab at him yesterday for waiting "too long" to visit, he shouldn't have been. As Liberal foreign affairs critic Bob Rae noted, Harper invited an "unprecedented public rebuke" by letting relations "fester" for four years. The Chinese felt neglected. Yesterday, they paraded their pique.
While Harper brought this awkwardness on himself by obtusely neglecting a $53 billion trade partner, our second largest, Beijing won't win friends among ordinary Canadians by taking an undiplomatic poke at our PM during an official visit. That will just get a hockey-playing nation's elbows up. China's leaders are no saints themselves.
The best that can be said of their chiding welcome is that it legitimizes some blunt talking from the Canadian side the next time our interests diverge. That's a useful take-away for a Prime Minister who is still on a steep learning curve in foreign affairs. China's leaders speak loudly, even hector, when their interests are at stake. They have now licensed us to be no less forceful.
Even so, it would be wrong to exaggerate this show of irritation.
Apart from some bad Chinese press reviews, Harper got a red-carpet reception. And the leader who matters most, President Hu Jintao, the head of state, was nothing but the gracious host. While he noted, twice, that this was Harper's first visit, he welcomed it as "of great significance." And he promised that "China is ready to work with Canada" to strengthen our 40-year record of friendly and cooperative ties. Officials will meet in the new year to discuss, among other issues, trade and investment, energy and resources, infrastructure, telecoms, transport, high tech and financial services.
It fell to Premier Wen Jiabao, China's number two leader, to put its irritation on the record. "Five years (between high contacts) is too long a time for China/Canada relations," he chided. "And that is why there are comments in the media that your visit is one that should have taken place earlier." That would be the state-controlled media.
Yet Wen then softened the jab by expressing the hope that "the China/Canada relationship will turn a new page" despite friction over fugitive Lai Changxing, Huseyin Celil, the Dalai Lama and human rights.
And knowing that Canada is worth courting, China's leaders made sure Harper doesn't head home with nothing but lost face in tow.
They announced that they finally are making Canada an "approved destination" for business, tourism and students. That could be worth $100 million to our tourism sector, Ottawa says. The Chinese are also opening a new consulate in Montreal to foster stronger "people to people" contacts. They have eased an import ban on Canadian pork worth $50 million. And both sides have agreed to beef up exchanges of green technologies, to work out a deal to better protect Canadian investors and to step up cooperation in science and agriculture.
Despite the touch of frost, this makes for a productive trip. It pales beside former Liberal leader Jean Chrétien's energetic Team Canada missions, which produced billions of dollars in deals. But it gets the relationship moving in the right direction again.
Published On Fri Dec 04 2009
If Prime Minister Stephen Harper was taken aback by China's jab at him yesterday for waiting "too long" to visit, he shouldn't have been. As Liberal foreign affairs critic Bob Rae noted, Harper invited an "unprecedented public rebuke" by letting relations "fester" for four years. The Chinese felt neglected. Yesterday, they paraded their pique.
While Harper brought this awkwardness on himself by obtusely neglecting a $53 billion trade partner, our second largest, Beijing won't win friends among ordinary Canadians by taking an undiplomatic poke at our PM during an official visit. That will just get a hockey-playing nation's elbows up. China's leaders are no saints themselves.
The best that can be said of their chiding welcome is that it legitimizes some blunt talking from the Canadian side the next time our interests diverge. That's a useful take-away for a Prime Minister who is still on a steep learning curve in foreign affairs. China's leaders speak loudly, even hector, when their interests are at stake. They have now licensed us to be no less forceful.
Even so, it would be wrong to exaggerate this show of irritation.
Apart from some bad Chinese press reviews, Harper got a red-carpet reception. And the leader who matters most, President Hu Jintao, the head of state, was nothing but the gracious host. While he noted, twice, that this was Harper's first visit, he welcomed it as "of great significance." And he promised that "China is ready to work with Canada" to strengthen our 40-year record of friendly and cooperative ties. Officials will meet in the new year to discuss, among other issues, trade and investment, energy and resources, infrastructure, telecoms, transport, high tech and financial services.
It fell to Premier Wen Jiabao, China's number two leader, to put its irritation on the record. "Five years (between high contacts) is too long a time for China/Canada relations," he chided. "And that is why there are comments in the media that your visit is one that should have taken place earlier." That would be the state-controlled media.
Yet Wen then softened the jab by expressing the hope that "the China/Canada relationship will turn a new page" despite friction over fugitive Lai Changxing, Huseyin Celil, the Dalai Lama and human rights.
And knowing that Canada is worth courting, China's leaders made sure Harper doesn't head home with nothing but lost face in tow.
They announced that they finally are making Canada an "approved destination" for business, tourism and students. That could be worth $100 million to our tourism sector, Ottawa says. The Chinese are also opening a new consulate in Montreal to foster stronger "people to people" contacts. They have eased an import ban on Canadian pork worth $50 million. And both sides have agreed to beef up exchanges of green technologies, to work out a deal to better protect Canadian investors and to step up cooperation in science and agriculture.
Despite the touch of frost, this makes for a productive trip. It pales beside former Liberal leader Jean Chrétien's energetic Team Canada missions, which produced billions of dollars in deals. But it gets the relationship moving in the right direction again.
Thursday, December 3, 2009
Harper, Chinese leader both complain of too lengthy absence
Harper, Chinese leader both complain of too lengthy absence
PM's boyhood dream to visit China
BY DAVID AKIN, CANWEST NEWS SERVICE DECEMBER 3, 2009 1:40 PM
STORYPHOTOS ( 4 )VIDEO ( 2 )
Prime Minister Stephen Harper and his wife Laureen pose as they tour the Badaling section of the Great Wall in Beijing December 3, 2009.
Photograph by: Jason Lee, Reuters
BEIJING — China's most popular politician publicly rebuked Prime Minister Stephen Harper for long ignoring China while Harper privately challenged China's top leaders on their human rights record.
But after discussions that Harper described as "frank and respectful," the leaders of both countries issued a joint statement that they say heralds "a significant new era" in relations between China and Canada.
As a tangible sign of renewed goodwill towards Canada, China announced it will open a new consulate in Montreal and it gave Canada approved destination status, something Ottawa had been seeking for more than a decade, that will make it easier for Chinese tourists to visit Canada.
That decision alone could mean more than $100 million annually in new business for Canada's ailing tourism industry and is particularly timely ahead of the 2010 Olympics in Vancouver.
"The public rebuke shows that there's work to do on Canada's part," said NDP Leader Jack Layton. "The new tourist designation and the consulate in Montreal are an important gesture by the Chinese, now it's our turn."
Liberal MP Bob Rae, his party's foreign affairs critic, says a tourism deal is long overdue.
"We've paid a price," Rae told reporters outside the House of Commons. "The fact is we've paid a price for four years of not just living on the margins but actually deliberately disregarding china. This was not benign neglect.
"This was a deliberate decision on (Harper's) part to ignore the relationship and to assert that it had no particular importance for him."
More than 134 countries already have China's approved destination status and are reaping the Chinese tourism windfall because of it. Tourism industry associations estimate that by 2020, there will be more than 100 million international Chinese tourists. Only 159,000 Chinese tourists visited Canada in 2008.
But that decision surprised some observers here who believed that Harper's visit to China — the first by a Canadian prime minister since Paul Martin's in 2005 — would only be a first step towards an agreement on approved destination status.
Martin initialed exactly the same ADS agreement with China during a visit to Beijing in 2005 and also trumpeted it to the media travelling with him, but political problems ensued and it was never implemented. Canada is the last major western nation to be granted ADS.
The Chinese government, through the state-controlled media here, ran articles and editorials as Harper arrived noting with disapproval that, although he was elected in 2006, he had never visited China and was the last G8 leader to do so.
Indeed, that sore spot was Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao's starting point for his hour-long meeting with Harper.
"This is your first trip to China and this is the first meeting between the Chinese premier and the Canadian prime minister in almost five years. Five years is too long a time for China-Canada relations and that is why there are comments in the media that your visit is one that should have taken place earlier," said Wen, who is the country's second most powerful politician after President Hu Jintao.
The premier's words were unusually strong for the man who is considered to be the "nice guy" in the Chinese government and is often referred to as Grandfather Wen.
Both the state-owned media in China, as well as independent media in Canada, had criticized Harper for waiting until he was nearly four years into his term before visiting Canada's second-largest trading partner after the United States.
But Harper replied that no Chinese leader has visited Canada in five years, either.
Harper did say he has enjoyed his brief time in China.
"I've been wanting to visit China since I was a small boy," Harper told Hu.
Before his meetings with Hu and Wen, Harper and his wife Laureen visited the Great Wall, an experience he said was "unbelievable."
In separate private talks with both Wen and Hu, Harper pressed the case of Huseyincan Celil, a Uyghur imam of dual Chinese and Canadian citizenship, Canwest News Service has learned.
Celil was arrested in 2006 while visiting Uzbekistan and subsequently deported to China, where he had been convicted in absentia of terrorism and sentenced to life in prison. Canadian officials believe that, not only did he not receive a fair trial but that the Chinese have mistaken him for someone else and that he should be returned to Canada.
No Canadian consular official has yet been able to visit Celil.
"I brought up some of our more general concerns, also our specific cases as well," Harper told reporters after his meetings. "We always make sure that when we bring up these matters — whether they refer to particular cases you're aware of that have been discussed from time to time or whether they are broader questions such as the situation in Tibet, we always bring these up in a way that is frank and is at the same time respectful of Chinese sovereignty."
The joint 14-point statement issued by both countries included a section on human rights.
"Both sides acknowledged that differing histories and national conditions can create some distinct points of view on issues such as human rights," the statement said. "The two sides agreed to increased dialogue and exchanges on human rights, on the basis of equality and mutual respect, to promote and protect human rights consistent with international human rights instruments."
A top issue for China is the repatriation of its "most wanted man," Lai Changxing, who is currently living in Vancouver. Lai became implicated in a smuggling and corruption scandal in the late 1990s, although he maintains he is innocent.
Some of those convicted in China in connection with the same scandal have been executed.
China has promised not to execute Lai if he is deported.
"The government of Canada has been seeking his extradition," Harper said. "I know this has been an irritant in some circles of the Chinese government but, of course, we do have an independent court system and the courts so far have not been accepting of our desire to have him extradited but both we and the government would like to see Mr. Lai extradited and we will keep up our efforts in that regard."
In the joint statement, both countries "reaffirmed their intention to strengthen co-operation on combating transnational crime and repatriating fugitives in accordance with their respective laws."
Harper and Hu also agreed to being a series of meetings between high-level bureaucrats — deputy ministers in Canada — to discuss a broad range of topics including trade and investment, energy and environment, health and governance.
On Friday, Harper will visit the Forbidden City here before flying to Shanghai where he is scheduled to deliver a major speech to a business audience there.
© Copyright (c) Canwest News Service
PM's boyhood dream to visit China
BY DAVID AKIN, CANWEST NEWS SERVICE DECEMBER 3, 2009 1:40 PM
STORYPHOTOS ( 4 )VIDEO ( 2 )
Prime Minister Stephen Harper and his wife Laureen pose as they tour the Badaling section of the Great Wall in Beijing December 3, 2009.
Photograph by: Jason Lee, Reuters
BEIJING — China's most popular politician publicly rebuked Prime Minister Stephen Harper for long ignoring China while Harper privately challenged China's top leaders on their human rights record.
But after discussions that Harper described as "frank and respectful," the leaders of both countries issued a joint statement that they say heralds "a significant new era" in relations between China and Canada.
As a tangible sign of renewed goodwill towards Canada, China announced it will open a new consulate in Montreal and it gave Canada approved destination status, something Ottawa had been seeking for more than a decade, that will make it easier for Chinese tourists to visit Canada.
That decision alone could mean more than $100 million annually in new business for Canada's ailing tourism industry and is particularly timely ahead of the 2010 Olympics in Vancouver.
"The public rebuke shows that there's work to do on Canada's part," said NDP Leader Jack Layton. "The new tourist designation and the consulate in Montreal are an important gesture by the Chinese, now it's our turn."
Liberal MP Bob Rae, his party's foreign affairs critic, says a tourism deal is long overdue.
"We've paid a price," Rae told reporters outside the House of Commons. "The fact is we've paid a price for four years of not just living on the margins but actually deliberately disregarding china. This was not benign neglect.
"This was a deliberate decision on (Harper's) part to ignore the relationship and to assert that it had no particular importance for him."
More than 134 countries already have China's approved destination status and are reaping the Chinese tourism windfall because of it. Tourism industry associations estimate that by 2020, there will be more than 100 million international Chinese tourists. Only 159,000 Chinese tourists visited Canada in 2008.
But that decision surprised some observers here who believed that Harper's visit to China — the first by a Canadian prime minister since Paul Martin's in 2005 — would only be a first step towards an agreement on approved destination status.
Martin initialed exactly the same ADS agreement with China during a visit to Beijing in 2005 and also trumpeted it to the media travelling with him, but political problems ensued and it was never implemented. Canada is the last major western nation to be granted ADS.
The Chinese government, through the state-controlled media here, ran articles and editorials as Harper arrived noting with disapproval that, although he was elected in 2006, he had never visited China and was the last G8 leader to do so.
Indeed, that sore spot was Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao's starting point for his hour-long meeting with Harper.
"This is your first trip to China and this is the first meeting between the Chinese premier and the Canadian prime minister in almost five years. Five years is too long a time for China-Canada relations and that is why there are comments in the media that your visit is one that should have taken place earlier," said Wen, who is the country's second most powerful politician after President Hu Jintao.
The premier's words were unusually strong for the man who is considered to be the "nice guy" in the Chinese government and is often referred to as Grandfather Wen.
Both the state-owned media in China, as well as independent media in Canada, had criticized Harper for waiting until he was nearly four years into his term before visiting Canada's second-largest trading partner after the United States.
But Harper replied that no Chinese leader has visited Canada in five years, either.
Harper did say he has enjoyed his brief time in China.
"I've been wanting to visit China since I was a small boy," Harper told Hu.
Before his meetings with Hu and Wen, Harper and his wife Laureen visited the Great Wall, an experience he said was "unbelievable."
In separate private talks with both Wen and Hu, Harper pressed the case of Huseyincan Celil, a Uyghur imam of dual Chinese and Canadian citizenship, Canwest News Service has learned.
Celil was arrested in 2006 while visiting Uzbekistan and subsequently deported to China, where he had been convicted in absentia of terrorism and sentenced to life in prison. Canadian officials believe that, not only did he not receive a fair trial but that the Chinese have mistaken him for someone else and that he should be returned to Canada.
No Canadian consular official has yet been able to visit Celil.
"I brought up some of our more general concerns, also our specific cases as well," Harper told reporters after his meetings. "We always make sure that when we bring up these matters — whether they refer to particular cases you're aware of that have been discussed from time to time or whether they are broader questions such as the situation in Tibet, we always bring these up in a way that is frank and is at the same time respectful of Chinese sovereignty."
The joint 14-point statement issued by both countries included a section on human rights.
"Both sides acknowledged that differing histories and national conditions can create some distinct points of view on issues such as human rights," the statement said. "The two sides agreed to increased dialogue and exchanges on human rights, on the basis of equality and mutual respect, to promote and protect human rights consistent with international human rights instruments."
A top issue for China is the repatriation of its "most wanted man," Lai Changxing, who is currently living in Vancouver. Lai became implicated in a smuggling and corruption scandal in the late 1990s, although he maintains he is innocent.
Some of those convicted in China in connection with the same scandal have been executed.
China has promised not to execute Lai if he is deported.
"The government of Canada has been seeking his extradition," Harper said. "I know this has been an irritant in some circles of the Chinese government but, of course, we do have an independent court system and the courts so far have not been accepting of our desire to have him extradited but both we and the government would like to see Mr. Lai extradited and we will keep up our efforts in that regard."
In the joint statement, both countries "reaffirmed their intention to strengthen co-operation on combating transnational crime and repatriating fugitives in accordance with their respective laws."
Harper and Hu also agreed to being a series of meetings between high-level bureaucrats — deputy ministers in Canada — to discuss a broad range of topics including trade and investment, energy and environment, health and governance.
On Friday, Harper will visit the Forbidden City here before flying to Shanghai where he is scheduled to deliver a major speech to a business audience there.
© Copyright (c) Canwest News Service
Wednesday, December 2, 2009
2/3 Canadians urge PM to focus on China’s human rights, not trade: poll
2/3 Canadians urge PM to focus on China’s human rights, not trade: poll
Posted on Wednesday, December 2, 2009 · 2 Comments
PMO release
Sigh… what can I say? Sometimes I really don’t understand my fellow Canadians. Why are Canadians always one step behind the rest of the world? Is it because our country is too cold so our people don’t travel outside of North America to see the rest of the world?
With an obvious shift of western media obsession on the “China threat” theory and the retrieve of the once mainstream China-bashing rhetoric, I can only hope that over time, Canadians will slowly come to understand the modern China better-informedly.
Canadians Urge for Focus on Human Rights as Prime Minister Visits China
Angus Reid release – Two-thirds of respondents think Canada should not seek free trade agreements with countries that have dubious human rights records.
As Prime Minister Stephen Harper arrives in China for a four-day visit, a large majority of Canadians believe the federal government should concentrate on human rights when it comes to bilateral ties, a new Angus Reid Public Opinion poll has found.
In the online survey of a representative national sample of 1,006 Canadian adults, 63% of respondents believe Canada should put more emphasis on human rights and minority rights, regardless of the economic implications.
Just over a third of respondents (37%) believe Canada’s long-term policy with China should focus on the trading relationship, regardless of the human rights situation in China.
While those concerned primarily with human rights in China continue to outnumber the proponents of trade, this month’s survey does show a 13-point shift towards trade since an Angus Reid poll conducted in April 2007, when the trial and sentence of Chinese Canadian Huseyin Celil dominated the airwaves.
Two-thirds of Canadians (68%) believe Canada should not seek free trade agreements with developing countries that have dubious human rights records. The level of agreement with this notion has dropped by five points since July 2007, when Canada was discussing a free trade agreement with Colombia.
The prospect of a free trade deal with China is not an overwhelmingly popular idea for Canadians, with 42% perceiving this possibility as a threat to the Canadian economy from foreign imports, and 37% believing it would be an opportunity for economic growth through increased Canadian exports.
Albertans are more likely to perceive free trade with China as an opportunity (52%) while Quebecers (48%) are more likely to regard it as a threat.
Analysis
While trade with China has become a more important issue in the past two years, a majority of Canadians continue to advocate for an emphasis on human rights. China, at this point, is seen as more of a threat in the field of international commerce, a perception that is very different from the perceived benefits a free trade deal with India would bring to Canada.
Harper says human rights remain a concern with China
Harper says human rights remain a concern with China
(CP) – 2 hours ago
BEIJING — Prime Minister Stephen Harper says he is not backing off on human rights while in China, although he insists the relationship between the two countries is sound.
Making his first visit in four years as prime minister, Harper arrived in China late Wednesday afternoon confronted with a front-page headline and story in an official newspaper declaring the relationship was in urgent need of repair.
The English-language China Daily carried a second story that bluntly declares the behaviour of the Harper government since being elected in 2006 as causing the political trust between the two governments to "hit rock bottom, adversely affecting the development of bilateral ties. "
The article lists a series of what the Chinese regard as provocations, including the tardiness of the visit, Harper's failure to attend the Beijing Olympics in 2008, as well his party making a "big fuss" over "the Falun Gong, the Taiwan question, the Tibet issue, "China's espionage threat" and "China's investment threat."
In his first year in office, the prime minister famously declared that he would not sacrifice human rights for "the almighty dollar."
An editorial in the Global Times, an organ of the Communist party, accused Harper of "appeasing his electoral base" and having turned "a cold shoulder to China."
The papers, however, cited the visit as a golden opportunity to set the relationship back on track.
In a meeting with reporters shortly after landing, Harper said he wanted to strengthen relations between the two countries and particularly expand trade and business opportunities.
But he said he believes he can achieve the goal while still staying true to what he called Canadian values.
"Canadian values are part and parcel of who we are," he said.
"Those are the things we live by, those are the things that give us the prosperity and peaceful and pluralistic society that we enjoy. So we never check those things at the door."
He added that Canada has a "good and frank" relationship with China and believes the trip will be productive.
Several human rights organizations in Canada have called on Harper to not back off on human rights while in China.
David Kilgour, a former Liberal minister for Asia-Pacific and a leading critic of China's human rights record, said in an earlier interview that the record shows that even after Harper's "almighty dollar" remark, trade between the two countries did not suffer.
In fact, it has growth to the point that it is now Canada's second largest trading relationship with a value of $53 billion.
It remains to be seen, however, how high on the agenda human rights will come during Harper's private meetings with President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao.
Given China's growing important to Canada as an economic counter-balance to the struggling U.S., as well as emergence as a political power, many believe Harper will tread lighter than in the past on tweaking the giant's nose on human rights.
"We need the Chinese more than we needed then five or six years ago," said Robert Bothwell, an historian with the international section at the University of Toronto.
Copyright © 2009 The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.
(CP) – 2 hours ago
BEIJING — Prime Minister Stephen Harper says he is not backing off on human rights while in China, although he insists the relationship between the two countries is sound.
Making his first visit in four years as prime minister, Harper arrived in China late Wednesday afternoon confronted with a front-page headline and story in an official newspaper declaring the relationship was in urgent need of repair.
The English-language China Daily carried a second story that bluntly declares the behaviour of the Harper government since being elected in 2006 as causing the political trust between the two governments to "hit rock bottom, adversely affecting the development of bilateral ties. "
The article lists a series of what the Chinese regard as provocations, including the tardiness of the visit, Harper's failure to attend the Beijing Olympics in 2008, as well his party making a "big fuss" over "the Falun Gong, the Taiwan question, the Tibet issue, "China's espionage threat" and "China's investment threat."
In his first year in office, the prime minister famously declared that he would not sacrifice human rights for "the almighty dollar."
An editorial in the Global Times, an organ of the Communist party, accused Harper of "appeasing his electoral base" and having turned "a cold shoulder to China."
The papers, however, cited the visit as a golden opportunity to set the relationship back on track.
In a meeting with reporters shortly after landing, Harper said he wanted to strengthen relations between the two countries and particularly expand trade and business opportunities.
But he said he believes he can achieve the goal while still staying true to what he called Canadian values.
"Canadian values are part and parcel of who we are," he said.
"Those are the things we live by, those are the things that give us the prosperity and peaceful and pluralistic society that we enjoy. So we never check those things at the door."
He added that Canada has a "good and frank" relationship with China and believes the trip will be productive.
Several human rights organizations in Canada have called on Harper to not back off on human rights while in China.
David Kilgour, a former Liberal minister for Asia-Pacific and a leading critic of China's human rights record, said in an earlier interview that the record shows that even after Harper's "almighty dollar" remark, trade between the two countries did not suffer.
In fact, it has growth to the point that it is now Canada's second largest trading relationship with a value of $53 billion.
It remains to be seen, however, how high on the agenda human rights will come during Harper's private meetings with President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao.
Given China's growing important to Canada as an economic counter-balance to the struggling U.S., as well as emergence as a political power, many believe Harper will tread lighter than in the past on tweaking the giant's nose on human rights.
"We need the Chinese more than we needed then five or six years ago," said Robert Bothwell, an historian with the international section at the University of Toronto.
Copyright © 2009 The Canadian Press. All rights reserved.
Tuesday, December 1, 2009
Harper stance on human rights scrutinized as China visit begins
Harper stance on human rights scrutinized as China visit begins
BY DAVID AKIN, CANWEST NEWS SERVICEDECEMBER 1, 2009 7:02 PM
STORYPHOTOS ( 1 )
Stephen Harper is in China. He'll meet all the top Chinese leaders. Is he going to 'vocally and publicly' stand up for human rights? A coalition of Canadian human rights groups on Tuesday pressed Harper to do just that.
Photograph by: Wayne Cuddington, Ottawa Citizen
ABOARD CANADIAN FORCES FLIGHT 01 — As Prime Minister Stephen Harper jets his way to his first official visit in China, many in Canada wonder if Harper will talk as tough on human rights once he's there as he did upon winning office three years ago.
For Harper and for many of the Conservatives he grew up with during the years of the Reform party and the Canadian Alliance, China once was to be given no quarter for jailing dissidents, persecuting Christians and dealing harshly with Tibet. For Conservatives, human rights trumped trade and Harper said so himself in 2007.
"There are those in the Opposition who will say, you know, China is an important country, so we shouldn't really protest these things . . . so maybe someday we'll be able to sell more goods there. I think that's irresponsible," Harper, then prime minister, said in 2007. "I think the government of Canada, when a Canadian citizen is ill-treated and when the rights of a Canadian citizen need to be defended, I think it's always the obligation of the government of Canada to vocally and publicly stand up for that Canadian citizen. That is what we will continue to do."
Well, here he is in China. He'll meet all the top Chinese leaders. Is he going to "vocally and publicly" stand up for human rights?
A coalition of Canadian human rights groups on Tuesday pressed Harper to do just that. The Canadian Coalition on Human Rights in China, which includes Amnesty International, PEN Canada, the Canada Tibet Committee and others, sent a letter to Harper on the eve of his trip East, saying: "We urge you, as prime minister, to take the opportunity of your upcoming dialogue with Chinese leaders to show that Canada, along with the rest of the Western democracies, views human rights as a central plank of its relationship with China.
"We entreat you to speak out, confident that your personal intervention will give hope and strength not only to political and human rights activists in prison in China, but to all Canadians who share our belief that freedom of expression is both a sign of strength and a human right that cannot be compromised."
Dimitri Soudas, now Harper's chief spokesman but also one of Harper's longest-serving advisers, conceded to reporters Monday that while human rights may have once trumped other issues, it is now part of the broader mix of issues on this week's agenda.
"One issue doesn't trump the other while having frank, respectful and positive discussions on certain issues . . . that doesn't prevent one to express concern on others," Soudas said.
"So I would simply say that since taking office, the position of the prime minister and of this government has been consistent. It has sometimes been interpreted differently, but it has been very consistent since the beginning."
It doesn't seem that way to outside observers.
"More recently, that (early rhetoric) seems much more muted," said Alex Neve, Secretary General of Amnesty International Canada. "I think there's a perception that the criticism has faded and this concern about paying primary attention to the trading relationship once again seems to have become dominant."
The Canadian that Harper was referring to in that 2007 statement was Huseyincan Celil, a Uyghur imam of dual Chinese and Canadian citizenship. In 2006, while visiting Uzbekistan, he was arrested and subsequently deported to China, where he had been convicted in absentia of terrorism and sentenced to life in prison. Canadian officials believe that, at the very least, the Chinese have mistaken him for someone else and that he should be returned to Canada.
Celil, in fact, arrived in Canada first in 2001 as a refugee from China where he stood accused of murders and terrorist acts Chinese authorities alleged he committed beginning in 1994. But in 2006, Celil returned to China to try to get his three of his children out of the country. It was a terrible miscalculation and he now sits in jail.
No one thinks Harper is going to come home with Celil or effect the release of any other political prisoners during his three days here.
But many are hopeful that Harper's visit is the beginning of a rebalancing of the Canada-China relationship.
"The Chinese are very concerned about stability," said Liberal MP Bob Rae, who first visited China more than 25 years ago. "They're very concerned about order. They're very concerned about a billion people. They're fearful of the consequences of losing that kind of control. Seems to me we just have to keep on trying to persuade them that liberty is the better way. It's something we believe in and something we should share with them."
"What we need," says Amnesty's Neve, "is an approach to human rights that takes account of the entirety of that relationship and doesn't relegate it to a file that one or two mid-level diplomats at Foreign Affairs are supposed to think about from time to time but makes it a paramount consideration in all aspects of how we have dealing with China."
A good first step for Amnesty and others is an insistence that independent human rights workers be allowed into China to conduct their research and monitoring with no government interference. Neither Amnesty International nor any other human rights group has ever been allowed into the country do any monitoring or research.
"We've repeatedly said to the Canadian government, amongst others, that's one indicator amongst many others of the state of human rights in China, that they remain so defiant on that," Neve said. "They remain absolutely defiant about granting that kind of access for on-the-ground, independent, fact-finding."
Chinese leaders are not unprepared for these demands from Western politicians, says Rae, who dealt with them while he was Ontario's premier.
"They're not unused to this discussion," Rae said. "They're not afraid of it. There's no reason for us to be afraid of it. It's part of an ongoing engagement not only with the Chinese leadership but Chinese society generally about how a freer economy — in . . . our entire historical experience — generally leads to a freer society and that freer society generally leads to a freer politics."
© Copyright (c) Canwest News Service
Harper urged to talk human rights with China
Harper urged to talk human rights with China
PM set to discuss trade in 1st visit to economic superpower
Last Updated: Tuesday, December 1, 2009 | 12:21 PM ET
CBC News
Prime Minister Stephen Harper speaks with Chinese President Hu Jintao at the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation Summit in Singapore on Nov. 15. Harper will arrive in China for the first time on Wednesday in the hopes of improving trade. (Adrian Wyld/Canadian Press)
Improving trade relations will be high on the agenda for Stephen Harper as he makes his first visit to China on Wednesday, but activists said Tuesday they want the Prime Minister to continue to address human rights issues.
Harper, who will arrive Wednesday and depart on Dec. 6, is hoping to use the trip to promote stronger economic ties with China.
Canada-China relations have been frosty since Harper formed his first government in 2006, particularly because of his past comments on China's human rights record.
But the Harper government has backed off in the last year from publicly chiding China, opting instead for more quiet diplomacy.
Harper said over the weekend that much of the visit to China will be spent discussing ways to improve investment between the two countries.
"Obviously we'll want to emphasize we're both advocates of opening up markets and that always has to be a two-way street," he said from a Commonwealth conference in Trinidad and Tobago.
Amnesty International spokeswoman Lindsay Mossman expressed concern, however, that the government is no longer making human rights a priority.
"We are concerned that the Canadian government has made fewer and weaker statements on human rights in China than they were perhaps making a few years ago," she said.
Coalition concerned over softened stance
The Canadian Coalition on Human Rights in China issued a statement on Tuesday urging Harper to publicly push for improvement to China's human rights record.
"We need to see a mixture that includes closed-door diplomacy, but it is also vital to make public comments," Alex Neve, secretary-general of Amnesty International Canada, said at a press conference in Ottawa. Amnesty is one of the 10 organizations in the coalition.
Harper set the tone for a tough stance on China in 2006, first when Parliament unanimously adopted a motion giving honorary Canadian citizenship to the Dalai Lama, the Tibetan spiritual leader that has been living in exile since China annexed the region in 1958.
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Harper in China: What issues should he raise?
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Later in 2006 Harper also famously stated that he did not believe Canadians wanted him to sell out human rights beliefs "to the almighty dollar."
Chinese President Hu Jintao threatened to call off a meeting between the two leaders in Vietnam in 2006 after Harper criticized China over a case involving Huseyin Celil, a Canadian activist jailed in China for alleged terrorist links. Beijing continues to refuse to allow Canadian consular visits to Celil.
The coalition said Tuesday that thousands of Chinese, Uighur and Tibetan activists and human rights lawyers face arbitrary detention, harassment and imprisonment after unfair trials, and point out that China continues to carry out the death penalty, executing more people annually than the rest of the world's governments combined.
Cheuk Kwan of the Toronto Association for Democracy in China said Harper's comments in 2006 "echoed around the world" but that his comments of late have been less encouraging. While Harper was one of the few world leaders who did not attend the 2008 Beijing Olympics, Kwan said it wasn't clear the decision was a public criticism of China's rights policies.
Trade relations have suffered
Other observers, however, say Harper's tough stance has done little to improve relations with China.
Jeremy Paltiel, a visiting political science professor from Carleton University in Ottawa, said the consensus is that Canada has ignored China and done little to foster better relations, even as China's economy was growing.
Victor Gao, a Beijing-based expert on international relations, said Canada stands to gain from engagement with China.
"If Prime Minister Harper applies appropriate importance to the relations of our two countries, then Canadian exports to China is positioned to double, triple, or even quadruple in the coming five to 10 years," he said.
In 2008, Canada exported $10.3 billion worth of goods to China. Canada, however, imported four times that amount from China.
The human rights coalition said Tuesday that speaking out does not necessarily hurt economic relations.
The group said that in 1997, the year Canada abandoned public criticism of human rights violations in China, Canada had a share of 1.41 per cent of total imports to China. That share dropped to .97 per cent in 2006 and only recently has bounced back, coincidentally around the time Canada began to more openly criticize China's human rights record.
Harper said in advance of his trip that he would bring up China's human rights record.
The timing to address those issues is awkward, however, after recent accusations that Canada turned over prisoners to Afghan authorities for what was almost certain torture.
The story of diplomat Richard Colvin's testimony was carried in some Chinese newspapers, and was further complicated by the allegation that David Mulroney tried to muzzle Colvin's reports. Mulroney is Canada's current ambassador to China.
http://www.cbc.ca/world/story/2009/12/01/harper-china-visit.html
Edwards: PM's Beijing trip — more hype than hope
Edwards: PM's Beijing trip — more hype than hope
Fred Edwards
Prime Minister Stephen Harper and China's President Hu Jintao chat at the APEC leaders summit in Singapore Nov. 15, 2009.
ADRIAN WYLD/THE CANADIAN PRESS FILE PHOTO
Now that Stephen Harper is China bound, it is tempting to believe that this country's recently troubled relationship with the Middle Kingdom will revert to the coziness of the past.
That prospect may well be mistaken, and perhaps even undesirable.
First of all, is Canada well equipped to take advantage of warmer relations with China? A report earlier this year by professor Charles Burton of Brock University, who has twice served as a councillor at the Canadian embassy in Beijing, suggests it is not.
Burton's report, A Reassessment of Canada's Interests in China and Options for Renewal of Canada's China Policy, was sharply critical of the competence of Canadian diplomatic personnel: "Our diplomats typically lack fluency in Chinese, and therefore lack the capacity to establish informal contacts with influential policy-makers in the Chinese system."
Instead, they engage China primarily through the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the "international offices" of other ministries. But these tend to be weak players in the Chinese power structure – senior Chinese Communists have been known to dismiss foreign affairs officials as mere "interpreters."
Burton's report called for wider engagement with influential Chinese decision-makers in the state council (cabinet), Communist party, and provincial and local governments. That's good advice, but following it will be difficult given Canada's relatively shallow talent pool of China experts.
Our government's failings have been mirrored in the business community. Canadian business leaders – Jim Balsillie of RIM is an example – have been critical of the Harper government's coolness toward China, but Canadian companies have not been particularly aggressive in the Chinese market. China accounts for only 6 per cent of Canada's merchandise trade and only 2 per cent of Canadian exports – almost 80 per cent of our exports go to the United States. The story is the same for investment: almost 44 per cent of Canada's international investments in 2007 were made in the United States and only 0.3 per cent in China.
Sarah Kutulakos, executive director of the Canada China Business Council, put her finger on the problem: "It's so easy to come back and export to the U.S," she said last month at a Fraser Institute function. "We really need to convince more Canadian firms to include China in their strategies while welcoming more Chinese investment to Canada."
Yet is that a realistic prospect given the continental integration of the North American economy? Can the Canadian business class, so accustomed to operating in a familiar milieu as low-dollar exporters, display the creativity and flexibility required to break into the highly competitive Chinese market?
Canada's economic orientation toward the United States raises another question, and that is whether Harper's government has the skill or even the desire to find manoeuvring room between Washington and Beijing. Liberal leaders Pierre Trudeau, Jean Chrétien and Paul Martin all sought to expand the focus of Canadian foreign policy beyond its traditional North Atlantic orientation. Chrétien, in particular, aggressively promoted Sino-Canadian trade and was bold enough to criticize America's "cowboy-style attitude" during the 2001 Hainan Island incident, when a U.S. spy plane and a Chinese jet fighter collided off the coast of China.
After coming to power in 2006, Harper pointedly rejected the Liberals' emphasis on multilateralism and reinforced the Washington link by following the U.S. lead across a wide policy front.
From economic stimulus and the bailout of the North American auto industry to a future continental cap-and-carbon trading system and perhaps a continental approach to border security, Canada has looked to Washington for leadership. At the same time, some prominent Canadians are promoting a new bilateral trade deal with the United States that would exclude Mexico and bind the American and Canadian economies even closer together. The subject of currency union has been raised, as well as a common Canada-U.S. policy on Arctic territorial waters. The end result could well be that future Canadian prime ministers will find it much more difficult to balance Washington and Beijing the way Chrétien did.
And how can China be expected to view the Canadian-U.S. relationship? Canada's resource-based economy would seem a natural fit for China's burgeoning manufacturing sector but will Beijing be comfortable relying on a strong U.S. ally for strategic minerals or energy? Better to deal with outcasts like Sudan or Venezuela, or non-aligned states in Africa.
Finally, there is the troublesome issue of human rights. The onset of the Sino-Canadian chill can be dated to Ottawa's criticism of China's jailing of Huseyin Celil, a Canadian citizen who belongs to China's Uighur Muslim minority, in the summer of 2006. Later that year, and referring explicitly to the Sino-Canadian relationship, Harper famously said: "I think Canadians want us to promote our trade relations worldwide, and we do that. But I don't think Canadians want us to sell out important Canadian values. They don't want us to sell that out to the almighty dollar."
This was a refreshing change from the days when Chrétien had clowned around with Li Peng, one of the architects of the Tiananmen massacre. Now, however, Harper appears to have come around to the view that the dollar is almighty after all. Is this progress?
Perhaps the Prime Minister will surprise us in Beijing and articulate a balanced, constructive policy that offers realistic economic goals without losing sight of democratic values. More likely, though, we will have a photo-op that allows Harper to close the politically troublesome China file while leaving Canada both uncompetitive in the Chinese market and ever more silent on human rights and democracy.
Fred Edwards is a member of the Star's editorial board and a former editor at Beijing Review, a news magazine published by the Chinese government.
Fred Edwards
Prime Minister Stephen Harper and China's President Hu Jintao chat at the APEC leaders summit in Singapore Nov. 15, 2009.
ADRIAN WYLD/THE CANADIAN PRESS FILE PHOTO
Now that Stephen Harper is China bound, it is tempting to believe that this country's recently troubled relationship with the Middle Kingdom will revert to the coziness of the past.
That prospect may well be mistaken, and perhaps even undesirable.
First of all, is Canada well equipped to take advantage of warmer relations with China? A report earlier this year by professor Charles Burton of Brock University, who has twice served as a councillor at the Canadian embassy in Beijing, suggests it is not.
Burton's report, A Reassessment of Canada's Interests in China and Options for Renewal of Canada's China Policy, was sharply critical of the competence of Canadian diplomatic personnel: "Our diplomats typically lack fluency in Chinese, and therefore lack the capacity to establish informal contacts with influential policy-makers in the Chinese system."
Instead, they engage China primarily through the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the "international offices" of other ministries. But these tend to be weak players in the Chinese power structure – senior Chinese Communists have been known to dismiss foreign affairs officials as mere "interpreters."
Burton's report called for wider engagement with influential Chinese decision-makers in the state council (cabinet), Communist party, and provincial and local governments. That's good advice, but following it will be difficult given Canada's relatively shallow talent pool of China experts.
Our government's failings have been mirrored in the business community. Canadian business leaders – Jim Balsillie of RIM is an example – have been critical of the Harper government's coolness toward China, but Canadian companies have not been particularly aggressive in the Chinese market. China accounts for only 6 per cent of Canada's merchandise trade and only 2 per cent of Canadian exports – almost 80 per cent of our exports go to the United States. The story is the same for investment: almost 44 per cent of Canada's international investments in 2007 were made in the United States and only 0.3 per cent in China.
Sarah Kutulakos, executive director of the Canada China Business Council, put her finger on the problem: "It's so easy to come back and export to the U.S," she said last month at a Fraser Institute function. "We really need to convince more Canadian firms to include China in their strategies while welcoming more Chinese investment to Canada."
Yet is that a realistic prospect given the continental integration of the North American economy? Can the Canadian business class, so accustomed to operating in a familiar milieu as low-dollar exporters, display the creativity and flexibility required to break into the highly competitive Chinese market?
Canada's economic orientation toward the United States raises another question, and that is whether Harper's government has the skill or even the desire to find manoeuvring room between Washington and Beijing. Liberal leaders Pierre Trudeau, Jean Chrétien and Paul Martin all sought to expand the focus of Canadian foreign policy beyond its traditional North Atlantic orientation. Chrétien, in particular, aggressively promoted Sino-Canadian trade and was bold enough to criticize America's "cowboy-style attitude" during the 2001 Hainan Island incident, when a U.S. spy plane and a Chinese jet fighter collided off the coast of China.
After coming to power in 2006, Harper pointedly rejected the Liberals' emphasis on multilateralism and reinforced the Washington link by following the U.S. lead across a wide policy front.
From economic stimulus and the bailout of the North American auto industry to a future continental cap-and-carbon trading system and perhaps a continental approach to border security, Canada has looked to Washington for leadership. At the same time, some prominent Canadians are promoting a new bilateral trade deal with the United States that would exclude Mexico and bind the American and Canadian economies even closer together. The subject of currency union has been raised, as well as a common Canada-U.S. policy on Arctic territorial waters. The end result could well be that future Canadian prime ministers will find it much more difficult to balance Washington and Beijing the way Chrétien did.
And how can China be expected to view the Canadian-U.S. relationship? Canada's resource-based economy would seem a natural fit for China's burgeoning manufacturing sector but will Beijing be comfortable relying on a strong U.S. ally for strategic minerals or energy? Better to deal with outcasts like Sudan or Venezuela, or non-aligned states in Africa.
Finally, there is the troublesome issue of human rights. The onset of the Sino-Canadian chill can be dated to Ottawa's criticism of China's jailing of Huseyin Celil, a Canadian citizen who belongs to China's Uighur Muslim minority, in the summer of 2006. Later that year, and referring explicitly to the Sino-Canadian relationship, Harper famously said: "I think Canadians want us to promote our trade relations worldwide, and we do that. But I don't think Canadians want us to sell out important Canadian values. They don't want us to sell that out to the almighty dollar."
This was a refreshing change from the days when Chrétien had clowned around with Li Peng, one of the architects of the Tiananmen massacre. Now, however, Harper appears to have come around to the view that the dollar is almighty after all. Is this progress?
Perhaps the Prime Minister will surprise us in Beijing and articulate a balanced, constructive policy that offers realistic economic goals without losing sight of democratic values. More likely, though, we will have a photo-op that allows Harper to close the politically troublesome China file while leaving Canada both uncompetitive in the Chinese market and ever more silent on human rights and democracy.
Fred Edwards is a member of the Star's editorial board and a former editor at Beijing Review, a news magazine published by the Chinese government.
Parliamentary Group Urges PM to Talk Human Rights on China trip
Parliamentary Group Urges PM to Talk Human Rights on China trip
Parliamentarians’ letter to Harper seeks release of prisoners with Canadian ties
By Cindy Chan
Epoch Times Dec 1, 2009Last Updated: Dec 1, 2009
OTTAWA—As Prime Minister Stephen Harper heads to China on Tuesday, the recently formed Parliamentary Friends of Falun Gong (PFOFG) is asking him to raise the issue of human rights and specifically the Falun Gong persecution with Chinese authorities.
“We urge you on your upcoming China trip to ask your Chinese counterparts about their commitment to human rights and religious freedom. We also urge you to specifically raise the situation of Falun Gong practitioners in China and to call for the release of Falun Gong prisoners of conscience and an end to their persecution,” said the PFOFG letter.
“We think that the least the prime minister can do is raise that as one of the concerns that Canadians have in our relationship with China,” said MP Bill Siksay, chair of the PFOFG.
Mr. Siksay along with vice-chairs MPs Stephen Woodworth and Borys Wrzesnewskyj signed the letter to Mr. Harper on behalf of the 20-member group comprising senators and MPs from all parties represented in Parliament.
The letter noted United Nations reports’ findings that 66 percent of alleged torture victims in China were Falun Gong practitioners and that “reports of arrest, detention, ill-treatment, torture, sexual violence, deaths, and unfair trial of Falun Gong practitioners, are increasing.”
Mr. Siksay said the group hopes Mr. Harper will raise specific cases such as 14 Falun Gong prisoners of conscience who have close relatives in Canada. The letter attached a list of their names. Some have been sentenced to terms of 12 years.
The group’s concerns reflect the severity and extent of the persecution against Falun Gong as documented by the U.N., government bodies, human rights groups, and independent investigators worldwide.
Prominent among them is a Canadian report documenting evidence that the Chinese regime has killed tens of thousands of Falun Gong practitioners to extract organs for lucrative transplant surgeries.
“Bloody Harvest” was co-authored by Order of Canada international human rights lawyer David Matas, and former crown prosecutor and Secretary of State for Asia-Pacific David Kilgour.
Noting that “[China] persecutes the Falun Gong more than any other group,” Mr. Matas and Mr. Kilgour wrote: “Unravel the repression against the Falun Gong and all other victim groups will benefit.”
MP Keith Martin, a PFOFG member, also wrote to Mr. Harper asking him to request the release of the 14 imprisoned practitioners as well as an end to the persecution of Falun Gong, Tibetans, Uyghurs, and human rights activists.
On Tuesday morning the Canadian Coalition on Human Rights in China will hold a press conference on Parliament Hill to urge Mr. Harper to put human rights as a priority during his trip.
Speakers will include Alex Neve, Secretary General, Amnesty International Canada, English Branch; Cheuk Kwan, Chair, Toronto Association for Democracy in China; and Tenzin Wangkhang, National Director, Students for a Free Tibet (Canada).
They will share trade statistics that counter the argument that raising human rights impairs trade, according to a news release.
Other coalition groups include Uyghur Canadian Society, Canada Tibet Committee, Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network, Canadian Labour Congress, Falun Dafa Association of Canada, PEN Canada, Rights & Democracy, ARC International, Federation for a Democratic China, and Vancouver Society in Support of Democratic Movement in China.
The groups and supporters will also hold a rally on the hill.
The coalition has submitted to Mr. Harper’s office a list of names of 11 political prisoners.
At a Monday briefing by senior government officials on the prime minister’s China visit, journalists also raised the issue of Huseyin Celil, a Uyghur-Canadian serving life imprisonment in China.
Mr. Celil, an advocate of the rights of Uyghur Muslims in the northwestern Chinese region of Xinjiang, was arrested in Uzbekistan while visiting family in March 2006 and deported to China.
In 2006 and 2007 Mr. Harper had made Mr. Celil’s case a key issue in talks with the Chinese.
Parliamentarians’ letter to Harper seeks release of prisoners with Canadian ties
By Cindy Chan
Epoch Times Dec 1, 2009Last Updated: Dec 1, 2009
OTTAWA—As Prime Minister Stephen Harper heads to China on Tuesday, the recently formed Parliamentary Friends of Falun Gong (PFOFG) is asking him to raise the issue of human rights and specifically the Falun Gong persecution with Chinese authorities.
“We urge you on your upcoming China trip to ask your Chinese counterparts about their commitment to human rights and religious freedom. We also urge you to specifically raise the situation of Falun Gong practitioners in China and to call for the release of Falun Gong prisoners of conscience and an end to their persecution,” said the PFOFG letter.
“We think that the least the prime minister can do is raise that as one of the concerns that Canadians have in our relationship with China,” said MP Bill Siksay, chair of the PFOFG.
Mr. Siksay along with vice-chairs MPs Stephen Woodworth and Borys Wrzesnewskyj signed the letter to Mr. Harper on behalf of the 20-member group comprising senators and MPs from all parties represented in Parliament.
The letter noted United Nations reports’ findings that 66 percent of alleged torture victims in China were Falun Gong practitioners and that “reports of arrest, detention, ill-treatment, torture, sexual violence, deaths, and unfair trial of Falun Gong practitioners, are increasing.”
Mr. Siksay said the group hopes Mr. Harper will raise specific cases such as 14 Falun Gong prisoners of conscience who have close relatives in Canada. The letter attached a list of their names. Some have been sentenced to terms of 12 years.
The group’s concerns reflect the severity and extent of the persecution against Falun Gong as documented by the U.N., government bodies, human rights groups, and independent investigators worldwide.
Prominent among them is a Canadian report documenting evidence that the Chinese regime has killed tens of thousands of Falun Gong practitioners to extract organs for lucrative transplant surgeries.
“Bloody Harvest” was co-authored by Order of Canada international human rights lawyer David Matas, and former crown prosecutor and Secretary of State for Asia-Pacific David Kilgour.
Noting that “[China] persecutes the Falun Gong more than any other group,” Mr. Matas and Mr. Kilgour wrote: “Unravel the repression against the Falun Gong and all other victim groups will benefit.”
MP Keith Martin, a PFOFG member, also wrote to Mr. Harper asking him to request the release of the 14 imprisoned practitioners as well as an end to the persecution of Falun Gong, Tibetans, Uyghurs, and human rights activists.
On Tuesday morning the Canadian Coalition on Human Rights in China will hold a press conference on Parliament Hill to urge Mr. Harper to put human rights as a priority during his trip.
Speakers will include Alex Neve, Secretary General, Amnesty International Canada, English Branch; Cheuk Kwan, Chair, Toronto Association for Democracy in China; and Tenzin Wangkhang, National Director, Students for a Free Tibet (Canada).
They will share trade statistics that counter the argument that raising human rights impairs trade, according to a news release.
Other coalition groups include Uyghur Canadian Society, Canada Tibet Committee, Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network, Canadian Labour Congress, Falun Dafa Association of Canada, PEN Canada, Rights & Democracy, ARC International, Federation for a Democratic China, and Vancouver Society in Support of Democratic Movement in China.
The groups and supporters will also hold a rally on the hill.
The coalition has submitted to Mr. Harper’s office a list of names of 11 political prisoners.
At a Monday briefing by senior government officials on the prime minister’s China visit, journalists also raised the issue of Huseyin Celil, a Uyghur-Canadian serving life imprisonment in China.
Mr. Celil, an advocate of the rights of Uyghur Muslims in the northwestern Chinese region of Xinjiang, was arrested in Uzbekistan while visiting family in March 2006 and deported to China.
In 2006 and 2007 Mr. Harper had made Mr. Celil’s case a key issue in talks with the Chinese.
Sunday, November 15, 2009
China's hidden night of state bloodshed
China's hidden night of state bloodshed
(Diego Azubel)
Chinese soldiers patrol the streets of a Uighur neighborhood after an incident between ethnic Uighurs and Chinese security forces along the streets in Urumqi, Xinjiang province
Michael Sheridan
POSTERS went up on lampposts and walls all around drab neighbourhoods in the northwestern area of China last week, announcing a series of executions.
They proclaimed the deaths of nine men convicted of murdering people during the racial violence that convulsed the remote city of Urumqi in July. No details were released of the condemned men’s last moments and few dared to mourn them.
The executions marked the culmination of the Chinese authorities’ response to a revolt by native Uighur Muslims in the city on July 5.
The revolt triggered violent clashes with Han Chinese settlers before being put down by security forces that night. Chinese civilians later turned on the Uighurs.
Since the clashes ended on July 7, the Chinese and the Uighurs have traded acrimonious claims about what happened and how many died.
The government said that of the 197 people killed, only 46 were Uighurs. A local official put the number of rioters shot dead by the security forces at just 12.
Exiles, however, alleged that hundreds of Uighur men had died and thousands had disappeared after a police and army sweep through the rough district of Sai Ma Chang.
Last week The Sunday Times conducted dozens of interviews in an investigation to discover what had happened. We found a city with soldiers on every street, full of rumours and fear, cut off from communications with the outside world. But some facts became clear.
The trouble began thousands of miles away in June when workers at a factory in southern China ran amok on hearing dubious claims that a girl had been raped by migrant workers. Two Uighurs were beaten to death.
When news of this reached the Uighur region of Xinjiang by text message and mobile phone video, there was ferment. Students asked permission to hold a protest in People’s Square at the heart of Urumqi, the region’s capital.
They were turned down by Wang Lequan, the Communist party secretary, a hardliner who is the most powerful man in Xinjiang and also the architect of Chinese policy in neighbouring Tibet, but the authorities failed to defuse the tension.
In the late afternoon of Sunday, July 5, gangs of Uighur youths began attacking the police around People’s Square. They hurled rocks, smashed vehicles and set upon ordinary passers-by
Repulsed, they gathered near the great bazaar and by 6pm a crowd of more than 1,000 was turning on the Han Chinese merchants. Shops were ransacked and traders were killed where they worked. Their goods were looted.
By 8.30pm a reign of terror prevailed in the mixed ethnic districts that separate the poor Uighur districts in the south from the prosperous Chinese areas in the north. The mobs bludgeoned and butchered their victims, women and men alike. Cars were burnt. Corpses lay in the streets.
All this time — in a strange echo of the official paralysis when riots broke out in Tibet last year — there was no sign of forceful measures to end the riot, even though Wang had thousands of troops and police at his disposal.
“Everybody knows Wang was getting drunk at his villa,” spat a local businesswoman, repeating a rumour widespread among everyone from taxi drivers to policemen. The sophisticated version holds that the unrest suited the hardline agenda of repressive politics. “I believe they wanted it to happen,” claimed one well connected resident, “but it went out of control.”
After midnight, events took a decisive turn. First, a big force of army and special police units sealed off Sai Ma Chang. Then the power was cut off and a night of reciprocal terror began.
Numerous local witnesses, both Han and Uighur, confirmed hearing bursts of gunfire in Sai Ma Chang until dawn on Monday, July 6.
A man of 35, who gave his name as Shevket, said: “I know the difference between fireworks and machineguns. I heard shooting all night long. But we will never know how many of our brothers were taken and killed. Only God knows how many died.”
A Chinese woman who had stood and watched added: “They cut off the whole area and then they went in and got them. There was firing all night. But you couldn’t see much in the dark because the electricity was off.”
Around the bazaars there is talk that corpses were dragged away and buried in anonymous desert graves, but nobody has produced evidence.
A day later, Chinese mobs went on a reprisal rampage that was curbed quickly by the army but claimed an unknown number of casualties.
Raids and clashes persisted: in one, caught on video, three Uighurs with knives attacked eight armed police. They fought until all three had been shot, two fatally.
Every witness interviewed believed the number of Uighurs shot dead was many more than 12 but far fewer than the 400 to 800 claimed by the exiles. In China, all such information is a state secret.
The posters that went up last week showed the state making its case. The posters emphasised that the judges who had pronounced the death sentences were themselves Uighurs. So were the prosecutors and defence lawyers. The cases were conducted in the Uighur language. The trials were therefore “just and fair”.
Some detected in these pronouncements the strains of an empire that has subdued its minority peoples but is deeply troubled by its failure to integrate them into one nation.
As for the executed men, only one set of footprints led across the fresh snow that had fallen last Thursday on the newest graves in the Muslim cemetery in the foothills of the Tien Shan, the “heavenly mountains”. A lone mourner had crept past the army checkpoints and toiled up the slopes to place bunches of crimson flowers at the head of each unmarked heap of earth.
The fate of the condemned — all but one of them Uighurs — was stark, but Human Rights Watch has documented 43 missing Uighur men and boys aged from 14 to 35. It said hundreds had been detained and dozens remained unaccounted for.
RELATED LINKS
140 people die as China protest suppressed
Rioting Uighurs and a fading separatist dream
There is no doubt that harsh punishments were thought necessary to repress rebellion and placate the dominant Han Chinese, who enjoy a privileged status and whose fury at becoming victims has rebounded on the regime.
The Chinese government rushed to blame a “plot” led by the most famous Uighur exile, a businesswoman named Rebiya Kadeer who, in this script, plays the role of villain usually reserved for the Dalai Lama by the Chinese. Two local government officials, both Uighurs, laughed at the claim of a conspiracy, however. “I can’t believe this,” said one.
It is, of course, easier to blame a plot than to admit that the hardline policy towards China’s minorities is a failure.Yet that is the conclusion of an article published in September by the Xinjiang Social Research Review, a journal restricted to elite officials and academics.
It revealed that 97% of Chinese officials who come from minorities, such as Uighurs, Tibetans and Mongolians, feel “unease in their hearts” about the gap in wealth and power.
The direst finding of all was that 12% of these trusted officials believed the policy would, in the end, lead to the breakup of China. “We have to admit there have been mistakes,” wrote Professor Tian Zhongfu, of the Xinjiang Socialism University, in a commentary on the figures.
The silent and snow-shrouded graves on the slopes of the heavenly mountains testify to that.
(Diego Azubel)
Chinese soldiers patrol the streets of a Uighur neighborhood after an incident between ethnic Uighurs and Chinese security forces along the streets in Urumqi, Xinjiang province
Michael Sheridan
POSTERS went up on lampposts and walls all around drab neighbourhoods in the northwestern area of China last week, announcing a series of executions.
They proclaimed the deaths of nine men convicted of murdering people during the racial violence that convulsed the remote city of Urumqi in July. No details were released of the condemned men’s last moments and few dared to mourn them.
The executions marked the culmination of the Chinese authorities’ response to a revolt by native Uighur Muslims in the city on July 5.
The revolt triggered violent clashes with Han Chinese settlers before being put down by security forces that night. Chinese civilians later turned on the Uighurs.
Since the clashes ended on July 7, the Chinese and the Uighurs have traded acrimonious claims about what happened and how many died.
The government said that of the 197 people killed, only 46 were Uighurs. A local official put the number of rioters shot dead by the security forces at just 12.
Exiles, however, alleged that hundreds of Uighur men had died and thousands had disappeared after a police and army sweep through the rough district of Sai Ma Chang.
Last week The Sunday Times conducted dozens of interviews in an investigation to discover what had happened. We found a city with soldiers on every street, full of rumours and fear, cut off from communications with the outside world. But some facts became clear.
The trouble began thousands of miles away in June when workers at a factory in southern China ran amok on hearing dubious claims that a girl had been raped by migrant workers. Two Uighurs were beaten to death.
When news of this reached the Uighur region of Xinjiang by text message and mobile phone video, there was ferment. Students asked permission to hold a protest in People’s Square at the heart of Urumqi, the region’s capital.
They were turned down by Wang Lequan, the Communist party secretary, a hardliner who is the most powerful man in Xinjiang and also the architect of Chinese policy in neighbouring Tibet, but the authorities failed to defuse the tension.
In the late afternoon of Sunday, July 5, gangs of Uighur youths began attacking the police around People’s Square. They hurled rocks, smashed vehicles and set upon ordinary passers-by
Repulsed, they gathered near the great bazaar and by 6pm a crowd of more than 1,000 was turning on the Han Chinese merchants. Shops were ransacked and traders were killed where they worked. Their goods were looted.
By 8.30pm a reign of terror prevailed in the mixed ethnic districts that separate the poor Uighur districts in the south from the prosperous Chinese areas in the north. The mobs bludgeoned and butchered their victims, women and men alike. Cars were burnt. Corpses lay in the streets.
All this time — in a strange echo of the official paralysis when riots broke out in Tibet last year — there was no sign of forceful measures to end the riot, even though Wang had thousands of troops and police at his disposal.
“Everybody knows Wang was getting drunk at his villa,” spat a local businesswoman, repeating a rumour widespread among everyone from taxi drivers to policemen. The sophisticated version holds that the unrest suited the hardline agenda of repressive politics. “I believe they wanted it to happen,” claimed one well connected resident, “but it went out of control.”
After midnight, events took a decisive turn. First, a big force of army and special police units sealed off Sai Ma Chang. Then the power was cut off and a night of reciprocal terror began.
Numerous local witnesses, both Han and Uighur, confirmed hearing bursts of gunfire in Sai Ma Chang until dawn on Monday, July 6.
A man of 35, who gave his name as Shevket, said: “I know the difference between fireworks and machineguns. I heard shooting all night long. But we will never know how many of our brothers were taken and killed. Only God knows how many died.”
A Chinese woman who had stood and watched added: “They cut off the whole area and then they went in and got them. There was firing all night. But you couldn’t see much in the dark because the electricity was off.”
Around the bazaars there is talk that corpses were dragged away and buried in anonymous desert graves, but nobody has produced evidence.
A day later, Chinese mobs went on a reprisal rampage that was curbed quickly by the army but claimed an unknown number of casualties.
Raids and clashes persisted: in one, caught on video, three Uighurs with knives attacked eight armed police. They fought until all three had been shot, two fatally.
Every witness interviewed believed the number of Uighurs shot dead was many more than 12 but far fewer than the 400 to 800 claimed by the exiles. In China, all such information is a state secret.
The posters that went up last week showed the state making its case. The posters emphasised that the judges who had pronounced the death sentences were themselves Uighurs. So were the prosecutors and defence lawyers. The cases were conducted in the Uighur language. The trials were therefore “just and fair”.
Some detected in these pronouncements the strains of an empire that has subdued its minority peoples but is deeply troubled by its failure to integrate them into one nation.
As for the executed men, only one set of footprints led across the fresh snow that had fallen last Thursday on the newest graves in the Muslim cemetery in the foothills of the Tien Shan, the “heavenly mountains”. A lone mourner had crept past the army checkpoints and toiled up the slopes to place bunches of crimson flowers at the head of each unmarked heap of earth.
The fate of the condemned — all but one of them Uighurs — was stark, but Human Rights Watch has documented 43 missing Uighur men and boys aged from 14 to 35. It said hundreds had been detained and dozens remained unaccounted for.
RELATED LINKS
140 people die as China protest suppressed
Rioting Uighurs and a fading separatist dream
There is no doubt that harsh punishments were thought necessary to repress rebellion and placate the dominant Han Chinese, who enjoy a privileged status and whose fury at becoming victims has rebounded on the regime.
The Chinese government rushed to blame a “plot” led by the most famous Uighur exile, a businesswoman named Rebiya Kadeer who, in this script, plays the role of villain usually reserved for the Dalai Lama by the Chinese. Two local government officials, both Uighurs, laughed at the claim of a conspiracy, however. “I can’t believe this,” said one.
It is, of course, easier to blame a plot than to admit that the hardline policy towards China’s minorities is a failure.Yet that is the conclusion of an article published in September by the Xinjiang Social Research Review, a journal restricted to elite officials and academics.
It revealed that 97% of Chinese officials who come from minorities, such as Uighurs, Tibetans and Mongolians, feel “unease in their hearts” about the gap in wealth and power.
The direst finding of all was that 12% of these trusted officials believed the policy would, in the end, lead to the breakup of China. “We have to admit there have been mistakes,” wrote Professor Tian Zhongfu, of the Xinjiang Socialism University, in a commentary on the figures.
The silent and snow-shrouded graves on the slopes of the heavenly mountains testify to that.
Tuesday, November 10, 2009
Amnesty fears more Xinjiang executions
Amnesty fears more Xinjiang executions
By Simon Lauder for PM
The recent execution of nine people over their role in violent ethnic clashes in north-west China in July has raised concerns for hundreds of others who were detained after the riots.
The executions were expected but Amnesty International says there was more secrecy surrounding them than usual.
Little detail was provided when the executions were announced yesterday by the state-owned China News Service.
It was reported that the men were convicted of violent crimes including arson and murder.
Violence in the provincial capital Urumqi erupted in July when protests by Uighurs and retaliatory attacks by Han Chinese led to about 200 deaths on the official count.
Dr Michael Clarke from Griffith University has studied separatist movements in China and says most of those executed were Uighurs while one was Han Chinese.
"Those charges of being convicted of arson and so forth, they're fairly ambiguous if you look at the Chinese criminal law," he said.
"It suggests a fairly political approach to dealing with what happened in July.
"It's interesting that some Chinese have been caught up in this, given that there was a wave of retaliatory violence by Han Chinese in the days that followed the unrest.
"That suggests the Chinese are at least attempting to appear to be even handed in their crackdown."
'Strike hard' campaign
The July clashes were sparked by the deaths of two Uighur factory workers but was underpinned by tensions over the distribution of wealth and labour in the resource-rich Xinjiang province.
The executions are just one element of a crackdown designed to prevent a repeat of the clashes.
University of Melbourne postgraduate student Tyler Harlan, who has travelled to Xinjiang a number of times, says the province is now the target of what's known as a "strike hard" campaign.
"I think that we will see perhaps not as much tension but a lot of Government involvement and perhaps raids in certain areas on certain groups," Mr Harlan said.
"[The campaign's] words mean a particular type of crackdown on religious extremism, on terrorism, on splitism, which are words that the provincial and central government have used to crack down on particular groups.
"For instance, they sometimes to go into mosques and close mosques at certain stages to limit groups that can organise."
The executions come just days ahead of the first trip to China by US President Barack Obama.
The White House has reacted to the news by urging China to ensure the legal rights of citizens are respected in accordance with international standards.
Closed process
Amnesty International's Asia-Pacific deputy director, Roseann Rife, says the executions and the trials that led to them have taken place in secrecy.
"We got a notice on October 30 that an appeal had been approved and the process then should have gone to the Supreme Court for a final review," she said.
"And it seems that in less than 10 days the review and the executions were both carried out. That is faster than usual."
Ms Rife says Amnesty is particularly concerned about reports that the trials were not open.
"Families were not notified. In fact we received reports that authorities told human rights lawyers in Beijing not to take up cases of anyone involved with the unrest in the Xinjiang Uighur autonomous region in July," he said.
"So we have serious concerns that these trials were fair and that they were not transparent and didn't meet international standards."
The executions are the first to take place over July's ethnic violence but Ms Rife says they are unlikely to be the last.
"The official numbers have varied but it could be up to several hundred people who still could remain in detention for activities surrounding this unrest," she said.
"And we're concerned that this may only be the beginning of the executions."
http://www.abc.net.au/news/stories/2009/11/11/2739034.htm?section=world
By Simon Lauder for PM
The recent execution of nine people over their role in violent ethnic clashes in north-west China in July has raised concerns for hundreds of others who were detained after the riots.
The executions were expected but Amnesty International says there was more secrecy surrounding them than usual.
Little detail was provided when the executions were announced yesterday by the state-owned China News Service.
It was reported that the men were convicted of violent crimes including arson and murder.
Violence in the provincial capital Urumqi erupted in July when protests by Uighurs and retaliatory attacks by Han Chinese led to about 200 deaths on the official count.
Dr Michael Clarke from Griffith University has studied separatist movements in China and says most of those executed were Uighurs while one was Han Chinese.
"Those charges of being convicted of arson and so forth, they're fairly ambiguous if you look at the Chinese criminal law," he said.
"It suggests a fairly political approach to dealing with what happened in July.
"It's interesting that some Chinese have been caught up in this, given that there was a wave of retaliatory violence by Han Chinese in the days that followed the unrest.
"That suggests the Chinese are at least attempting to appear to be even handed in their crackdown."
'Strike hard' campaign
The July clashes were sparked by the deaths of two Uighur factory workers but was underpinned by tensions over the distribution of wealth and labour in the resource-rich Xinjiang province.
The executions are just one element of a crackdown designed to prevent a repeat of the clashes.
University of Melbourne postgraduate student Tyler Harlan, who has travelled to Xinjiang a number of times, says the province is now the target of what's known as a "strike hard" campaign.
"I think that we will see perhaps not as much tension but a lot of Government involvement and perhaps raids in certain areas on certain groups," Mr Harlan said.
"[The campaign's] words mean a particular type of crackdown on religious extremism, on terrorism, on splitism, which are words that the provincial and central government have used to crack down on particular groups.
"For instance, they sometimes to go into mosques and close mosques at certain stages to limit groups that can organise."
The executions come just days ahead of the first trip to China by US President Barack Obama.
The White House has reacted to the news by urging China to ensure the legal rights of citizens are respected in accordance with international standards.
Closed process
Amnesty International's Asia-Pacific deputy director, Roseann Rife, says the executions and the trials that led to them have taken place in secrecy.
"We got a notice on October 30 that an appeal had been approved and the process then should have gone to the Supreme Court for a final review," she said.
"And it seems that in less than 10 days the review and the executions were both carried out. That is faster than usual."
Ms Rife says Amnesty is particularly concerned about reports that the trials were not open.
"Families were not notified. In fact we received reports that authorities told human rights lawyers in Beijing not to take up cases of anyone involved with the unrest in the Xinjiang Uighur autonomous region in July," he said.
"So we have serious concerns that these trials were fair and that they were not transparent and didn't meet international standards."
The executions are the first to take place over July's ethnic violence but Ms Rife says they are unlikely to be the last.
"The official numbers have varied but it could be up to several hundred people who still could remain in detention for activities surrounding this unrest," she said.
"And we're concerned that this may only be the beginning of the executions."
http://www.abc.net.au/news/stories/2009/11/11/2739034.htm?section=world
Sunday, September 20, 2009
Multi-faith Forum Focuses On Human Rights
Multi-faith Forum Focuses On Human Rights
By Cindy Chan
Epoch Times StaffSep 20, 2009 Facebook Digg del.icio.us StumbleUpon | |
Related articles: Canada > National
ONE FREE WORLD: Rev. Majed El Shafie, founder and president of One Free World International, speaks at the multi-faith forum on human rights held at Congregation Machzikei Hadas in Ottawa on Sept. 10. (Samira Bouaou/The Epoch Times)
OTTAWA—A multi-faith expert forum is traveling across the country to call attention to human rights concerns facing various faith-based communities in Canada and abroad.
Co-organized by One Free World International (OFWI) and B’nai Brith Canada, the forum was held in Montreal, Ottawa, and Toronto last week and will take place in Vancouver on Sept. 24.
The idea took shape when several leaders from different faiths sat down together a few months ago and decided to begin coalition building to help each other’s communities that are facing persecution.
Among them were Rev. Majed El Shafie, president of OFWI, a Toronto-based human rights group that works for the rights of religious minorities worldwide, and Dr. Frank Dimant, Executive Vice President of B’nai Brith Canada, a national body that serves Jewish communities across the country.
Speaking at the Ottawa forum at Congregation Machzikei Hadas on Sept. 10, Rev. El Shafie told how OFWI came into being.
A Muslim from Egypt who converted to Christianity while in law school, Rev. El Shafie was persecuted and severely tortured after building an underground congregation and appealing for equal rights for Christians in the late 1990s.
He fled to Israel to escape execution and spent over a year in jail while Amnesty International and the United Nations investigated and intervened on his behalf. He eventually came to Canada, where he started OFWI.
UYGHURS FACING PERSECUTION: Mehmet Tohti, founder and past-president of the Uyghur Canadian Association, speaking on the Chinese communist regime's persecution against the Muslim Uyghur people in Xinjiang, China, formerly the Uyghurs' independent stat (Samira Bouaou/The Epoch Times)
“When I came to Canada, my perspective was, just defend my own community—the Christian Egyptians. Later, I grew up and I thought, ‘I need to defend every Christian around the world,’” Rev. El Shafie explained.
“But later on, one day at three o’clock in the morning, I woke up and asked myself, ‘If somebody was crossing the street in front of me, and a car came and hit him, would I ask him first about his religion, or would I call 911 anyway?’
“This was when I started to defend every community and everybody that I can help and support.”
Echoing this sentiment, Mr. Dimant told the audience that human rights is an issue “not only for the Jewish community, but we have others who are suffering. . . . We want to bring their plight to the attention of our community.”
Other forum speakers included Li Xun, president of Falun Dafa Association of Canada; MP Pierre Poilievre, parliamentary secretary to Prime Minister Stephen Harper; Mehmet Tohti, founder of the Uyghur Canadian Association; and Iranian-Canadian human rights advocate Farnaz Farrokhi.
Slaves in Their Homeland
Mr. Tohti belongs to the Muslim Uyghur community in the Xinjiang region in northwest China, formerly the independent state of East Turkestan before the communist invasion in 1949.
He said the Uyghurs have become an ethnic minority who are “slaves” today in their homeland, a result of communist repression and large influxes of Han Chinese under the regime’s policy of assimilating his people.
All forms of telecommunication have been shut down since early July, when the human rights protests and violent suppression that occurred in the Xinjiang capital of Urumqi captured the world’s attention, Mr. Tohti said.
But “the bad news is coming,” as he has just received news that one of his younger brothers was in prison.
Illicit Organ Trade
Since the communist party took control of China in 1949, it has waged brutal campaigns against one group after another, Mr. Li said.
Introduced to the public in 1992, Falun Gong, also called Falun Dafa, had 70 to 100 million followers by 1999 when the regime launched its persecution.
MULTI-FAITH FORUM SPEAKERS: Four of the six speakers at the multi-faith forum on human rights in Ottawa on Sept. 10. (L-R) Rev. Majed El Shafie of One Free World International, Dr. Frank Dimant of B�nai Brith Canada, Li Xun of Falun Dafa Association of (Samira Bouaou/The Epoch Times)
The regime orchestrates massive hate propaganda throughout China and abroad to vilify Falun Gong, a spiritual discipline that teaches “Truthfulness, Compassion, Forbearance,” Mr. Li said.
Following a 2005 China mission, U.N. Special Rapporteur on torture Manfred Nowak reported that two-thirds of the torture cases brought to his attention were Falun Gong.
Mr. Li noted that former cabinet minister David Kilgour and Winnipeg-based international human rights lawyer David Matas, legal counsel for B’nai Brith, conducted an investigation into the persecution in 2006-2007.
Their report, “Bloody Harvest,” detailed substantive evidence and concluded that the Chinese regime has been conducting large-scale organ harvesting from Falun Gong prisoners for an illicit organ trade.
“The Chinese government has yet to come clean and be transparent” after two U.N. requests for a satisfactory response, Mr. Nowak told The Epoch Times last month.
Chinese lawyers are another group suffering persecution. Gao Zhisheng, a Christian attorney and Nobel Peace Prize nominee, suffered extensive torture in 2007 after writing three open letters urging an end to the persecution of Falun Gong. Taken into custody again in February, his current whereabouts are unknown.
Connecting Aid to Human Rights
Rev. El Shafie said last year more than 165,000 Christians were killed because of their faith—about 80 percent in Muslim countries; 20 percent in communist countries like China, North Korea, and Cuba; and some in India.
He has travelled widely to conduct fact-finding missions and help those being persecuted, particularly in Asia and the Middle East.
Recently returned from Pakistan, he spoke about that country’s blasphemy law, which carries the death penalty for speaking against Islam, the Koran, or Muhammad. It is also a discriminatory law that has been used to intimidate and attack minorities including Hindus and Christians.
Noting other religious persecution in places like Egypt, Iraq, and China, Rev. El Shafie called on Canada to stop supporting countries that abuse people’s rights.
“Our aid to these countries needs to be connected to the improvement of their human rights,” he said.
Iran Nuclear Threat
Mr. Dimant said the Jewish people are facing a “very frightening” situation today.
“In 1932 and 1937, Hitler was not talking publicly about genocide and the Holocaust. Yet today, from reports in Iran, they are actually openly talking about a nuclear warhead being built to kill six million Jews. There is no attempt to disguise it.”
COMBATING ANTI-SEMITISM: M.P. Pierre Poilievre spoke at the multi-faith human rights forum in Ottawa about Canada's efforts to combat anti-Semitism. (Samira Bouaou/The Epoch Times)
He also spoke of systemic discrimination against Israel and Jews in many parts of the world.
Mr. Poilievre highlighted Canada’s leadership in the fight against anti-Semitism.
Canada was the first country to withdraw from the Durban II conference in Geneva in April, a U.N. event intended to review progress toward the goals set in 2001 at Durban I to fight racism.
In 2008 Canada announced it would not participate because the “expression of intolerance and anti-Semitism” during Durban I was carrying over into preparations for Durban II.
The U.S., Netherlands, Germany, Australia, Israel, and other countries followed Canada’s lead.
Indeed, at Durban II, Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad “poured verbal acid all over Israel and the U.S. and Europe,” said Mr. Poilievre.
Ms. Farrokhi tcalked about the persecution of Christians, Bahai’s, Jews, and other religious minorities in Iran.
With Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube, “no longer can the Iranian government hide from the international community,” she said, pointing to the role social networking tools played in communicating with the world about the mass protests and suppression following the disputed election results in June that returned Ahmadinejad to power.
Ms. Farrokhi urged the audience to sign the World Jewish Congress online petition to boycott Ahmadinejad’s speech at the U.N. General Assembly in New York later this month.
China's Backing of Rogue States
When talking about rockets launched by Hamas into Israel, weapons proliferation in Iran, genocide in Sudan, and U.N. resolutions blocked by Muslim countries, Mr. Tohti emphasized that “it is the Chinese government mostly supplying financial and military aid” to those countries and groups.
“It’s important for all of us to stand up against the Chinese government’s ongoing persecutions, not only Falun Gong practitioners, Tibetans, and Uyghurs, [but] its support of terrorist groups in the Middle East,” he said.
The next multi-faith forum on human rights will take place in Vancouver on Thursday, Sept. 24, 7 p.m., at GT Church, 3456 Fraser St. The event is free.
Friday, July 31, 2009
Brutal crackdown in Xinjiang
Brutal crackdown in Xinjiang
July 25, 2009
The Rafto Foundation strongly condemns the violent suppression of recent demonstrations in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, China, and expresses its strong concern for the fate of those who have fallen victim to the ensuing mass arrests.
The Rafto Foundation strongly urges Norwegian authorities and the international society to put stronger pressure on Chinese authorities to ensure that those arrested will receive fair treatment. There is a strong reason to fear that the arrested face mass executions, and the international society must demand from Chinese authorities that they abide by international human rights.
Brutal crackdown
On 5 July 2009 in Urumqi a peaceful protest against the authorities’ handling of the recent killings of Uyghur workers in a factory in Shaoguan was met with brute force by Chinese police. While it is impossible to obtain accurate numbers of killed and arrested, the Rafto Foundation have a strong reason to believe that the number of detainees is far higher than the 1 434 people mentioned by Urumqi Communist Party secretary, Li Zhi, on 7 July. International media report of more than 4 000 Uyghurs detained in overfilled makeshift prisons.
Ethnic tension
The Rafto Foundation expresses its concern for the heightened level of ethnic tension between Uyghurs and Han Chinese, and deplores all injuries and deaths in this conflict, irrespective of ethnicity.
While the unrest has been portrayed by Chinese official media as consisting of Uyghur provocateurs and Han Chinese victims, there is a strong reason for believing that only a fraction of the number of Uyghur victims has been reported. Reports from Xinjiang tell of frightened Uyghurs fleeing their homes in fear of the general lynching sentiment spreading in the cities, fuelled by the nationalistically charged reporting of the unrest in Chinese official media. However, the most urgent issue at this point is the arrested citizens’ imminent risk of express trials with no respect for due process, and the strong likelihood of mass executions.
No fair trial
Urumqi’s Communist Party secretary, Li Zhi’s statement on 8 July that "brutal criminals will be sentenced to death" raises strong concerns for swift executions with no fair trial for the unknown numbers that were arrested in the aftermath of 5 July. In addition, reports of Chinese human rights lawyers receiving intimidations and strong warnings of taking on any cases related to the unrests in Xinjiang highlights the willingness of Chinese authorities to deprive the arrested of their right to free counsel and a due legal process.
The Rafto Foundation urges Norwegian authorities to issue stronger condemnations of the violent crackdowns, and to raise its strong concern by the apparent wish of the Chinese authorities to take swift action, regardless of their human rights commitments guaranteeing the right to fair trial.
Marginalised minorities
The Rafto Foundation has since awarding the 2004 Rafto Prize to the Uyghur leader Rebiya Kadeer, at the time still imprisoned in Xinjiang, voiced its strong concern for the increasing oppression and marginalisation of Uyghurs in China.
The recent events come as a grim déjà vu 12 years after similar peaceful Uyghur protests were brutally struck down in the Xinjiang city of Ghulja, a massacre which also was followed by mass arrests, and which still has seen no independent inquiry. Many of the arrested are still imprisoned. The violent 5 July crackdown adds to the list of brutal oppression of Uyghurs, and adds to the hopelessness felt by Uyghurs in Xinjiang as well as in exile.
Norwegian authorities must apply stronger pressure
The Rafto Foundation reiterates its urgent call for the Norwegian authorities to immediately raise their concerns for the rights of those arrested after the 5 July unrest.
The Rafto Foundation also urges the international community to apply more pressure on Chinese authorities with regards to the marginalisation and suppression of their minorities’ rights.
http://www.rafto.no/?page=20&news=131&PHPSESSID=9543901234dd824a81b2120c3a36be6b
July 25, 2009
The Rafto Foundation strongly condemns the violent suppression of recent demonstrations in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, China, and expresses its strong concern for the fate of those who have fallen victim to the ensuing mass arrests.
The Rafto Foundation strongly urges Norwegian authorities and the international society to put stronger pressure on Chinese authorities to ensure that those arrested will receive fair treatment. There is a strong reason to fear that the arrested face mass executions, and the international society must demand from Chinese authorities that they abide by international human rights.
Brutal crackdown
On 5 July 2009 in Urumqi a peaceful protest against the authorities’ handling of the recent killings of Uyghur workers in a factory in Shaoguan was met with brute force by Chinese police. While it is impossible to obtain accurate numbers of killed and arrested, the Rafto Foundation have a strong reason to believe that the number of detainees is far higher than the 1 434 people mentioned by Urumqi Communist Party secretary, Li Zhi, on 7 July. International media report of more than 4 000 Uyghurs detained in overfilled makeshift prisons.
Ethnic tension
The Rafto Foundation expresses its concern for the heightened level of ethnic tension between Uyghurs and Han Chinese, and deplores all injuries and deaths in this conflict, irrespective of ethnicity.
While the unrest has been portrayed by Chinese official media as consisting of Uyghur provocateurs and Han Chinese victims, there is a strong reason for believing that only a fraction of the number of Uyghur victims has been reported. Reports from Xinjiang tell of frightened Uyghurs fleeing their homes in fear of the general lynching sentiment spreading in the cities, fuelled by the nationalistically charged reporting of the unrest in Chinese official media. However, the most urgent issue at this point is the arrested citizens’ imminent risk of express trials with no respect for due process, and the strong likelihood of mass executions.
No fair trial
Urumqi’s Communist Party secretary, Li Zhi’s statement on 8 July that "brutal criminals will be sentenced to death" raises strong concerns for swift executions with no fair trial for the unknown numbers that were arrested in the aftermath of 5 July. In addition, reports of Chinese human rights lawyers receiving intimidations and strong warnings of taking on any cases related to the unrests in Xinjiang highlights the willingness of Chinese authorities to deprive the arrested of their right to free counsel and a due legal process.
The Rafto Foundation urges Norwegian authorities to issue stronger condemnations of the violent crackdowns, and to raise its strong concern by the apparent wish of the Chinese authorities to take swift action, regardless of their human rights commitments guaranteeing the right to fair trial.
Marginalised minorities
The Rafto Foundation has since awarding the 2004 Rafto Prize to the Uyghur leader Rebiya Kadeer, at the time still imprisoned in Xinjiang, voiced its strong concern for the increasing oppression and marginalisation of Uyghurs in China.
The recent events come as a grim déjà vu 12 years after similar peaceful Uyghur protests were brutally struck down in the Xinjiang city of Ghulja, a massacre which also was followed by mass arrests, and which still has seen no independent inquiry. Many of the arrested are still imprisoned. The violent 5 July crackdown adds to the list of brutal oppression of Uyghurs, and adds to the hopelessness felt by Uyghurs in Xinjiang as well as in exile.
Norwegian authorities must apply stronger pressure
The Rafto Foundation reiterates its urgent call for the Norwegian authorities to immediately raise their concerns for the rights of those arrested after the 5 July unrest.
The Rafto Foundation also urges the international community to apply more pressure on Chinese authorities with regards to the marginalisation and suppression of their minorities’ rights.
http://www.rafto.no/?page=20&news=131&PHPSESSID=9543901234dd824a81b2120c3a36be6b
China Could Use Some Honest Talk About Race
China Could Use Some Honest Talk About Race
By HOWARD W. FRENCH
Published: July 31, 2009
SHANGHAI — When the city of Detroit erupted in some of the worst rioting in American history over a five-day period in July 1967, the Johnson administration responded by naming a high-level commission to investigate the incident and more generally to weigh in on the troubled issue of race relations in the United States.
The panel, known as the Kerner Commission, undertook to plumb three key questions: “What happened? Why did it happen? What can be done to prevent it from happening again?” And in a simple but powerful phrase that helped define the era, it concluded that “Our nation is moving toward two societies, one black, one white — separate and unequal.”
The Kerner Commission did not introduce the concept of minority civil rights in the United States. That movement began to gain critical mass in the 1950s, through direct citizen action by people like Rosa Parks, who refused to surrender her bus seat to a white person in Montgomery, Alabama, and was arrested and tried for her defiance of racism, sparking a 381-day boycott of public transportation by blacks in the city.
What the Kerner Commission did, rather, was signal recognition at the highest levels of American society that the United States had major racial problems, along with civil rights deficiencies that seriously marred our democracy. And recent events in Cambridge, Massachusetts, where Henry Louis Gates, Jr., the country’s most prominent black academic, was suspected of burglary and arrested in his own house, demonstrate that questions of civil rights in America still preoccupy us.
This is the second year in a row of severe turmoil in western China, following the uprising that swept Tibetan areas in March of 2008. The events of recent weeks in China’s Xinjiang region, where were nearly 200 people died during unrest and a dozen members of the predominantly Muslim Uighur minority were killed by police (according to official figures), demonstrate if nothing else how China desperately awaits its own civil rights moment.
The Kerner Commission’s famous old questions would be a good place to start: What exactly happened and why? And an open and honest Chinese conversation about race, ethnicity, religion and identity is long overdue and would go a long way toward healing papered-over divisions that run deep in this society.
The response of the system here so far, alas, has shown no such willingness. The official media, operating in their mouthpiece of power mode, have rushed to certain conclusions about the events, namely that the trouble was instigated by “splittists,” and that sinister foreign forces were at work behind the rioting.
Openness and transparency about the events of Urumqi would be welcome but by themselves would only constitute a first step, no more. China has made great, and often insufficiently acknowledged strides away from totalitarianism in the last generation, but one area where the rigidities of the past linger on is in the politics of ethnicity.
China clings to the fiction that areas where ethnic minorities have historically predominated, places like Xinjiang and Tibet, with distinctive languages and cultures and lingering memories of self-rule, are “autonomous regions.” This, even as these areas are governed by local party leaderships appointed by Beijing and heavily dominated by members of the country’s Han majority. This, also, as Beijing floods these areas with Han economic migrants, for the purpose of settling and securing China’s rough western frontier, raising local living standards and to assimilate the local people into the ways of the Han.
Although this effort lacks in candor and transparency, not to mention the possibility of meaningful input from or consent by the locals, it would be wrong to conclude it is entirely undertaken out of bad faith. The materialists who rule China seem to genuinely believe that economic development is the answer to almost every question, and their favorite statistic relating to Xinjiang is the doubling of the region’s economy between 2002 and 2008.
At best, this statistic is misleading, though. Most of the economic growth in Xinjiang is related to the expansion of the petroleum sector, which is overwhelmingly dominated by Han. Indeed the unrest there seems fueled in part by a sense of among Uighurs that they are losing ground economically to the Han in their own homeland.
I interviewed a Uighur barber in Urumqi two years ago who complained that the newcomers form their own social and business networks and often enjoy government support of one kind or another. This man, who had been trained in petrochemical engineering in Russia, said he had been unable to find a job in that booming sector. Han, he said, hire Han.
A new study, published in the China Quarterly by Brenda L. Schuster, reveals other gaps in the economic statistics. “In life expectancy, infant mortality, maternal mortality and morbidity, Uyghur people are much worse off than Han,” the report reads. It then speaks of how “group specific psychological stress and the socio-economic and demographic changes of the past 60 years could be major factors.”
Many African-Americans, particularly in urban areas, where health indicators persistently lag behind those of the general population, even at similar income levels, would readily recognize such stresses. China, meanwhile, clings to the old Maoist-era fable of the country as one big happy ethnic family, even as it labors hard in Xinjiang to discourage Islamic worship and otherwise dilute Uighur culture.
Two years of violence may not yet make a trend, but this myth has just become a lot harder to sustain, even among China’s Han majority, who may yet come to appreciate that respect for differences rather than forced assimilation is the better recipe for harmony.
E-MAIL pagetwo@iht.com
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/01/world/asia/01iht-letter.html
By HOWARD W. FRENCH
Published: July 31, 2009
SHANGHAI — When the city of Detroit erupted in some of the worst rioting in American history over a five-day period in July 1967, the Johnson administration responded by naming a high-level commission to investigate the incident and more generally to weigh in on the troubled issue of race relations in the United States.
The panel, known as the Kerner Commission, undertook to plumb three key questions: “What happened? Why did it happen? What can be done to prevent it from happening again?” And in a simple but powerful phrase that helped define the era, it concluded that “Our nation is moving toward two societies, one black, one white — separate and unequal.”
The Kerner Commission did not introduce the concept of minority civil rights in the United States. That movement began to gain critical mass in the 1950s, through direct citizen action by people like Rosa Parks, who refused to surrender her bus seat to a white person in Montgomery, Alabama, and was arrested and tried for her defiance of racism, sparking a 381-day boycott of public transportation by blacks in the city.
What the Kerner Commission did, rather, was signal recognition at the highest levels of American society that the United States had major racial problems, along with civil rights deficiencies that seriously marred our democracy. And recent events in Cambridge, Massachusetts, where Henry Louis Gates, Jr., the country’s most prominent black academic, was suspected of burglary and arrested in his own house, demonstrate that questions of civil rights in America still preoccupy us.
This is the second year in a row of severe turmoil in western China, following the uprising that swept Tibetan areas in March of 2008. The events of recent weeks in China’s Xinjiang region, where were nearly 200 people died during unrest and a dozen members of the predominantly Muslim Uighur minority were killed by police (according to official figures), demonstrate if nothing else how China desperately awaits its own civil rights moment.
The Kerner Commission’s famous old questions would be a good place to start: What exactly happened and why? And an open and honest Chinese conversation about race, ethnicity, religion and identity is long overdue and would go a long way toward healing papered-over divisions that run deep in this society.
The response of the system here so far, alas, has shown no such willingness. The official media, operating in their mouthpiece of power mode, have rushed to certain conclusions about the events, namely that the trouble was instigated by “splittists,” and that sinister foreign forces were at work behind the rioting.
Openness and transparency about the events of Urumqi would be welcome but by themselves would only constitute a first step, no more. China has made great, and often insufficiently acknowledged strides away from totalitarianism in the last generation, but one area where the rigidities of the past linger on is in the politics of ethnicity.
China clings to the fiction that areas where ethnic minorities have historically predominated, places like Xinjiang and Tibet, with distinctive languages and cultures and lingering memories of self-rule, are “autonomous regions.” This, even as these areas are governed by local party leaderships appointed by Beijing and heavily dominated by members of the country’s Han majority. This, also, as Beijing floods these areas with Han economic migrants, for the purpose of settling and securing China’s rough western frontier, raising local living standards and to assimilate the local people into the ways of the Han.
Although this effort lacks in candor and transparency, not to mention the possibility of meaningful input from or consent by the locals, it would be wrong to conclude it is entirely undertaken out of bad faith. The materialists who rule China seem to genuinely believe that economic development is the answer to almost every question, and their favorite statistic relating to Xinjiang is the doubling of the region’s economy between 2002 and 2008.
At best, this statistic is misleading, though. Most of the economic growth in Xinjiang is related to the expansion of the petroleum sector, which is overwhelmingly dominated by Han. Indeed the unrest there seems fueled in part by a sense of among Uighurs that they are losing ground economically to the Han in their own homeland.
I interviewed a Uighur barber in Urumqi two years ago who complained that the newcomers form their own social and business networks and often enjoy government support of one kind or another. This man, who had been trained in petrochemical engineering in Russia, said he had been unable to find a job in that booming sector. Han, he said, hire Han.
A new study, published in the China Quarterly by Brenda L. Schuster, reveals other gaps in the economic statistics. “In life expectancy, infant mortality, maternal mortality and morbidity, Uyghur people are much worse off than Han,” the report reads. It then speaks of how “group specific psychological stress and the socio-economic and demographic changes of the past 60 years could be major factors.”
Many African-Americans, particularly in urban areas, where health indicators persistently lag behind those of the general population, even at similar income levels, would readily recognize such stresses. China, meanwhile, clings to the old Maoist-era fable of the country as one big happy ethnic family, even as it labors hard in Xinjiang to discourage Islamic worship and otherwise dilute Uighur culture.
Two years of violence may not yet make a trend, but this myth has just become a lot harder to sustain, even among China’s Han majority, who may yet come to appreciate that respect for differences rather than forced assimilation is the better recipe for harmony.
E-MAIL pagetwo@iht.com
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/01/world/asia/01iht-letter.html
Rebiya Kadeer a small but charismatic thorn in Beijing's side
Rebiya Kadeer a small but charismatic thorn in Beijing's side
Peter Alford, Rowan Callick and Michael Sainsbury | August 01, 2009
Article from: The Australian
UIGHUR leader Rebiya Kadeer has replaced the Dalai Lama as China's enemy No 1.
THE new No1 hate figure targeted by the ruling Chinese Communist Party arrives in Australia in a few days: Rebiya Kadeer.
Although the Dalai Lama is also due to come to Australia later in the year, Kadeer -- the charismatic 63-year-old president of the World Uighur Association -- has in the past month seized the Tibetan spiritual leader's place as China's Public Enemy No 1.
This has sent her global profile soaring, and attracted unprecedented interest in the Uighur cause.
Her hot-to-handle visit next week -- against which Beijing has protested in vain -- is further battering Australia's already rocky relationship with China.
And it points the way to future tensions between Beijing and democratic liberal countries more generally, as the Chinese government seeks to press its soft power globally, extending ever wider the circle of exiled leaders to whom it intends to provide no respite. Kadeer, who comes from Xinjiang, the Queensland-sized region of northwest China that is the home of the nine million Uighurs, lives in exile in Washington.
Last year it was the unrest and riots in Tibet, another huge region of western China, that saw the Dalai Lama blamed as a "splittist" manipulator of violent protests. This year the same mantle has been cast on Kadeer.
She has become a non-person in China, with articles that include her name being blocked by the "net police" even from the Google search engine.
What Kadeer describes as mere phone calls to her family in Xinjiang have been portrayed by Beijing as messages masterminding the inter-ethnic violence that caused about 200 deaths there a month ago.
Pan Zhiping, a researcher at Xinjiang Academy of Social Science, provides a sense of the outrage from Han Chinese, who suffered the initial casualties from the violence.
She told The Weekend Australian that Kadeer, who was one of China's wealthiest businesswomen before being jailed in 1999 for five years for political offences, "was not a good businesswoman, she just had a start-up and accumulated her money from tax evasion".
She says: "Ordinary Uighurs are not calling for independence, only so-called elite Uighur intellectuals. Rebiya was influenced by her husband, who was a third-class professor. These people agitated the street violence and manipulated extreme racism.
"She is rotten meat, the kind that only attracts flies. But she will have her verdict when the official investigation (on the riots) is finished -- lies can't be covered up. The human right she advocates are evil rights, murderers' rights." UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said on Thursday that while being "deeply saddened by the loss of life and violence" in Xinjiang: "I will have to look at the case for exact information ... (which) I do not have."
The only inquiry so far announced is being conducted by the Chinese central government. On a visit to Japan this week, Kadeer urged the establishment of an international commission to examine what she claimed to be the disappearance of 10,000 Uighurs in Xinjiang last month.
China's ambassador to Japan said during Kadeer's stay in Tokyo: "She is a criminal," and compared her to Aum Shinrikyo, the cult leader who unleashed sarin gas in the Tokyo subway in 1995.
Mamtimin Ala, the general secretary of the Uighur Association of Australia, the main hosts for Kadeer's week-long visit, said: "China has blamed her for the troubles in Xinjiang in order to externalise what is an internal problem -- a classic Chinese tactic, as it also does with the Dalai Lama, to whip up nationalistic fervour, brainwashing its own citizens.
"This also transforms perceptions among ordinary Chinese of the Uighurs into an evil people, an enemy within. As a result, reconciliation now seems almost impossible," she says.
After Kadeer this week gave the foreign correspondents' club in Tokyo a lengthy, graphic and doubtless highly partisan account of the violent riots on July 5, a reporter from China's People's Daily posed what he perhaps thought was a "gotcha" question.
"It sounds like you were there," he noted. "How could you have such detailed knowledge when at the time you were tens of thousands of kilometres away in Washington?" Kadeer allowed herself a hard little smile before answering.
The element of the case against her most quoted by China's state media is a telephone tap allegedly of her saying: "Something will happen in Urumqi."
Kadeer says she learnt of the gathering Uighur unrest, provoked by a security crackdown in Xinjiang and local anger over the June mob killings of Uighur factory workers in Guangdong, and called to warn her family.
She has four sons -- two imprisoned since July 5 -- a daughter, numerous grandchildren and a brother still in Xinjiang, and says family members are the usual suspects to be rounded up when trouble flares.
She does not deny being closely plugged into contemporary affairs in Xinjiang, which, like other dissident Uighurs, she prefers to call East Turkestan, even after five years in Chinese prisons and four years in US exile.
It's one of the reasons, she says, the Chinese authorities hate her so.
That, and the fact she was once a poster-woman for ethnic integration in post-Maoist China, a self-made multi-millionaire and influential figure on policy towards the 55 minority nationalities -- who comprise 10 per cent of China's 1.3 billion population -- until radicalised by a violent suppression of Uighur unrest in 1997.
Beijing has sought to reposition her World Uighur Congress (WUC) rather than the shadowy East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM) as the main driver of Uighur violence, linking both to al-Qa'ida and international Islamic terrorism.
There is no reason to doubt the genuine repugnance among Chinese officials and representatives abroad that so soon after the killings of at least 192 people, mostly Han Chinese according to the official account, countries such as Japan and Australia are hosting visits by the strongest voice in the world for Uighur separatism.
It was notable this week in Tokyo how carefully Japanese officials and the ruling Liberal Democratic Party handled her visit -- a likely indicator of the sort of damage they feared to China relations.
But Kadeer got her visa and she got her LDP meeting, which suggests the governments of Japan -- and Australia, the US and other countries -- do not believe the Beijing narrative about her associations with Islamic terrorism.
ETIM is a UN-designated terrorist organisation -- originally on China's post-9/11 advice to George W. Bush's White House. Yet Kadeer has been given refuge in Washington since 2005 and granted visas by countries, including Australia, that are members in good standing of the coalition against Islamic terror.
In the post-Guantanamo world, the cloak of international legitimacy cannot be earned by simply designating separatist movements as associates of international terrorists.
In fact, many Americans find it harder to tolerate evidence recently produced that the Bush defence department allowed Chinese interrogators inside Guantanamo to question 22 Uighur terror suspects in 2002 -- though the same department flatly refused American congressmen and women access to camp inmates.
The US has refused Chinese demands to return them, and the last of them are now being relocated to third countries -- five at first to Albania, and now four to Bermuda and 13 to Palau, which recognises Taiwan rather than China diplomatically.
Kadeer told The Weekend Australian in Tokyo: "While I was in China I followed the Communist Party (line) and was obedient to the government.
"I know well when the Chinese government says something which is lies and which is truth. It knows if it stops the voice of Rebiya, it stops the voice of the Uighurs in the world."
Small, intense and unusually charismatic, Kadeer talks as if she embodies the Uighur spirit of independence, and particularly since July 5 that seems close to the truth.
The WUC, a confederation of Uighur exile groups, is passionate but thinly spread and seems not very well organised. When Kadeer came to Tokyo two years ago, soon after taking over the leadership, she attracted only scant media attention, and certainly not three official protests from Beijing.
But in the past 25 days, she and her cause have attracted more headlines and sympathetic interest than in the four years since she arrived in the US, after Bush secretary of state Condoleezza Rice's personal intervention with the Chinese led to her release.
Kadeer's name and cause are increasingly linked in international commentary with that of the Dalai Lama and Tibet.
And she is exploiting that association for all it's worth.
"Of course, I have chosen the way of the Dalai Lama, so I will travel all over the world, I will give true information about East Turkestan -- I want to become (like) the Dalai Lama, to bring my homeland to freedom and liberation," she says.
While disavowing violence, Kadeer now refuses to rule out shifting from her established position of seeking proper political and religious autonomy for Xinjiang within the People's Republic, to a campaign for full independence.
That decision, she says, will be taken by the WUC once its campaign for an independent UN investigation of the July 5 uprising and the subsequent Chinese crackdown is settled.
Kadeer, like the Dalai Lama, has put a large dent in what one pro-Beijing Uighur official recently called "the Great Wall of ethnic unity" allegedly bounding both the Han Chinese and the minority nations.
She is an opponent who came from inside the wall, who says policies she once supported and thrived under are now being turned to crushing the Uighurs.
She seems less inclined than the Dalai Lama, who fled Tibet 50 years ago, to moderate her criticisms of Beijing in order to foster a dialogue on autonomy. "I cannot wait 50 years," she says.
http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,25197,25863570-2703,00.html
Peter Alford, Rowan Callick and Michael Sainsbury | August 01, 2009
Article from: The Australian
UIGHUR leader Rebiya Kadeer has replaced the Dalai Lama as China's enemy No 1.
THE new No1 hate figure targeted by the ruling Chinese Communist Party arrives in Australia in a few days: Rebiya Kadeer.
Although the Dalai Lama is also due to come to Australia later in the year, Kadeer -- the charismatic 63-year-old president of the World Uighur Association -- has in the past month seized the Tibetan spiritual leader's place as China's Public Enemy No 1.
This has sent her global profile soaring, and attracted unprecedented interest in the Uighur cause.
Her hot-to-handle visit next week -- against which Beijing has protested in vain -- is further battering Australia's already rocky relationship with China.
And it points the way to future tensions between Beijing and democratic liberal countries more generally, as the Chinese government seeks to press its soft power globally, extending ever wider the circle of exiled leaders to whom it intends to provide no respite. Kadeer, who comes from Xinjiang, the Queensland-sized region of northwest China that is the home of the nine million Uighurs, lives in exile in Washington.
Last year it was the unrest and riots in Tibet, another huge region of western China, that saw the Dalai Lama blamed as a "splittist" manipulator of violent protests. This year the same mantle has been cast on Kadeer.
She has become a non-person in China, with articles that include her name being blocked by the "net police" even from the Google search engine.
What Kadeer describes as mere phone calls to her family in Xinjiang have been portrayed by Beijing as messages masterminding the inter-ethnic violence that caused about 200 deaths there a month ago.
Pan Zhiping, a researcher at Xinjiang Academy of Social Science, provides a sense of the outrage from Han Chinese, who suffered the initial casualties from the violence.
She told The Weekend Australian that Kadeer, who was one of China's wealthiest businesswomen before being jailed in 1999 for five years for political offences, "was not a good businesswoman, she just had a start-up and accumulated her money from tax evasion".
She says: "Ordinary Uighurs are not calling for independence, only so-called elite Uighur intellectuals. Rebiya was influenced by her husband, who was a third-class professor. These people agitated the street violence and manipulated extreme racism.
"She is rotten meat, the kind that only attracts flies. But she will have her verdict when the official investigation (on the riots) is finished -- lies can't be covered up. The human right she advocates are evil rights, murderers' rights." UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said on Thursday that while being "deeply saddened by the loss of life and violence" in Xinjiang: "I will have to look at the case for exact information ... (which) I do not have."
The only inquiry so far announced is being conducted by the Chinese central government. On a visit to Japan this week, Kadeer urged the establishment of an international commission to examine what she claimed to be the disappearance of 10,000 Uighurs in Xinjiang last month.
China's ambassador to Japan said during Kadeer's stay in Tokyo: "She is a criminal," and compared her to Aum Shinrikyo, the cult leader who unleashed sarin gas in the Tokyo subway in 1995.
Mamtimin Ala, the general secretary of the Uighur Association of Australia, the main hosts for Kadeer's week-long visit, said: "China has blamed her for the troubles in Xinjiang in order to externalise what is an internal problem -- a classic Chinese tactic, as it also does with the Dalai Lama, to whip up nationalistic fervour, brainwashing its own citizens.
"This also transforms perceptions among ordinary Chinese of the Uighurs into an evil people, an enemy within. As a result, reconciliation now seems almost impossible," she says.
After Kadeer this week gave the foreign correspondents' club in Tokyo a lengthy, graphic and doubtless highly partisan account of the violent riots on July 5, a reporter from China's People's Daily posed what he perhaps thought was a "gotcha" question.
"It sounds like you were there," he noted. "How could you have such detailed knowledge when at the time you were tens of thousands of kilometres away in Washington?" Kadeer allowed herself a hard little smile before answering.
The element of the case against her most quoted by China's state media is a telephone tap allegedly of her saying: "Something will happen in Urumqi."
Kadeer says she learnt of the gathering Uighur unrest, provoked by a security crackdown in Xinjiang and local anger over the June mob killings of Uighur factory workers in Guangdong, and called to warn her family.
She has four sons -- two imprisoned since July 5 -- a daughter, numerous grandchildren and a brother still in Xinjiang, and says family members are the usual suspects to be rounded up when trouble flares.
She does not deny being closely plugged into contemporary affairs in Xinjiang, which, like other dissident Uighurs, she prefers to call East Turkestan, even after five years in Chinese prisons and four years in US exile.
It's one of the reasons, she says, the Chinese authorities hate her so.
That, and the fact she was once a poster-woman for ethnic integration in post-Maoist China, a self-made multi-millionaire and influential figure on policy towards the 55 minority nationalities -- who comprise 10 per cent of China's 1.3 billion population -- until radicalised by a violent suppression of Uighur unrest in 1997.
Beijing has sought to reposition her World Uighur Congress (WUC) rather than the shadowy East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM) as the main driver of Uighur violence, linking both to al-Qa'ida and international Islamic terrorism.
There is no reason to doubt the genuine repugnance among Chinese officials and representatives abroad that so soon after the killings of at least 192 people, mostly Han Chinese according to the official account, countries such as Japan and Australia are hosting visits by the strongest voice in the world for Uighur separatism.
It was notable this week in Tokyo how carefully Japanese officials and the ruling Liberal Democratic Party handled her visit -- a likely indicator of the sort of damage they feared to China relations.
But Kadeer got her visa and she got her LDP meeting, which suggests the governments of Japan -- and Australia, the US and other countries -- do not believe the Beijing narrative about her associations with Islamic terrorism.
ETIM is a UN-designated terrorist organisation -- originally on China's post-9/11 advice to George W. Bush's White House. Yet Kadeer has been given refuge in Washington since 2005 and granted visas by countries, including Australia, that are members in good standing of the coalition against Islamic terror.
In the post-Guantanamo world, the cloak of international legitimacy cannot be earned by simply designating separatist movements as associates of international terrorists.
In fact, many Americans find it harder to tolerate evidence recently produced that the Bush defence department allowed Chinese interrogators inside Guantanamo to question 22 Uighur terror suspects in 2002 -- though the same department flatly refused American congressmen and women access to camp inmates.
The US has refused Chinese demands to return them, and the last of them are now being relocated to third countries -- five at first to Albania, and now four to Bermuda and 13 to Palau, which recognises Taiwan rather than China diplomatically.
Kadeer told The Weekend Australian in Tokyo: "While I was in China I followed the Communist Party (line) and was obedient to the government.
"I know well when the Chinese government says something which is lies and which is truth. It knows if it stops the voice of Rebiya, it stops the voice of the Uighurs in the world."
Small, intense and unusually charismatic, Kadeer talks as if she embodies the Uighur spirit of independence, and particularly since July 5 that seems close to the truth.
The WUC, a confederation of Uighur exile groups, is passionate but thinly spread and seems not very well organised. When Kadeer came to Tokyo two years ago, soon after taking over the leadership, she attracted only scant media attention, and certainly not three official protests from Beijing.
But in the past 25 days, she and her cause have attracted more headlines and sympathetic interest than in the four years since she arrived in the US, after Bush secretary of state Condoleezza Rice's personal intervention with the Chinese led to her release.
Kadeer's name and cause are increasingly linked in international commentary with that of the Dalai Lama and Tibet.
And she is exploiting that association for all it's worth.
"Of course, I have chosen the way of the Dalai Lama, so I will travel all over the world, I will give true information about East Turkestan -- I want to become (like) the Dalai Lama, to bring my homeland to freedom and liberation," she says.
While disavowing violence, Kadeer now refuses to rule out shifting from her established position of seeking proper political and religious autonomy for Xinjiang within the People's Republic, to a campaign for full independence.
That decision, she says, will be taken by the WUC once its campaign for an independent UN investigation of the July 5 uprising and the subsequent Chinese crackdown is settled.
Kadeer, like the Dalai Lama, has put a large dent in what one pro-Beijing Uighur official recently called "the Great Wall of ethnic unity" allegedly bounding both the Han Chinese and the minority nations.
She is an opponent who came from inside the wall, who says policies she once supported and thrived under are now being turned to crushing the Uighurs.
She seems less inclined than the Dalai Lama, who fled Tibet 50 years ago, to moderate her criticisms of Beijing in order to foster a dialogue on autonomy. "I cannot wait 50 years," she says.
http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,25197,25863570-2703,00.html
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